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GIFT OF
SYSTEMATICAL DIGEST
OF THE
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS,
ACCORDING TO THE
, feat Darning anb gjoctrim nf % HJ
WITH AN INTRODUCTION ON THE AUTHORITIES UPON CONFUCIUS AND CONFUCIANISM.
ERNST FABEE,
Rhenish M iss iona ry .
FEOM THE
BY
P. G. VON MOELLENDORFF,
Imp. Germ. Consular Service.
HONGKONG :
PRINTED AT TIIE "CHINA MAIL" OFFICE. 1875.
CANTON : DR. KERR'S HOSPITAL. SHANGHAI : MISSION PRESS. LONDON: TRUBNER & Co., 57 & 59, LUDGATE HILL.
u
The translator is well aware, that an English translation at the hands of a German, even if looked over by an Englishman, must necessarily fall short of the elegance which should characterize original com- positions. Tet he hopes, that, by adding a really good book to the library of the sinologue, students will grant him the indulgence of overlooking the poverty of the garb, in consideration of the intrinsic value of the work.
Kiukiang, December, 1873.
549?
PREFACE.
The present little work is a lecture read before the conference of Ehenish Missionaries at Hongkong on the 24th July, 1872. It is the first attempt to explain in brief the contents of the three principal books of Confucianism. Each sentence is well con- sidered and mostly a literal translation of different passages, the accuracy of which all are able to examine.
The Chinese text given is cited according to Dr. Legge's edition, vol. I : — A. standing for Analects, Gr. L. for Great Learning, D. M. for Doctrine of the Mean. The translation is rendered after the original text, being always independent, as every competent judge may at once perceive.
This publication required more laborious effort, than perhaps appears. A mere display of scholarship is intentionally avoided. Comparisons founded on parallel passages from European philosophers and the moral writers, which might be easily cited, are left out.
Should the little work find sufficient sale, more
VI PREFACE.
may soon follow. Two larger works are nearly finished in M.S., (in German.)
1. Translation of Lieh tzu ^Jj^ (350 B. C.) with parallels from the ancient Chinese litera- ture ; also an introduction and commentary.
2. CJmang-tzu ^J^ ( 300 B. C.)
These are the best philosophical works of the Chinese language and ornaments of the ancient litera- ture. No part of either has as yet been translated into any foreign language. As, however, such works ought only to be printed with the Chinese text and a good commentary, the cost of their publication would far surpass the small private means of the compiler.
E. F.
INDEX.
PREFACE PAGE.
Introduction, Authorities on Confucianism ............ 1
1. Authorities on Confucius' life and doctrine. 5
2. Literature anterior to Confucius ........... 22
3. The Philosophical Schools of the Chinese. 28 Systematical Digest of the Doctrines of Confucius. ... 36
I. Explanation of the meaning- of 1., ^ hsing nature, 2., ^\ sheng jen holy man, 3., fjjj
ming destiny, 4., ^ t'ien heaven, 5., J^Jljj Jcwei shen spirits and demons, 6., _t^ shang JiGod ................ \\ ............................ 40
II. ^f*-y*^$|f chun tzii chili tao the way of the superior man ............................. ........ 54
1. ^f^J &£ wu distinction of things, *^ Jisio study ; .......... ( ................................ 55
2. ^^91 chih cliih Completion of knowledge; 58
3. j|$;j£ cJieng ^Veracity of intention; ...... 60
4. JE^ clieng lisin Eectification of the heart,
Jiao Love and wu Hatred; ......... 61
VIII INDEX.
5. $f H' lisiu shen Cultivation of tlie whole person, ^jj yen speaking, ^ hsing conduct, ^jji te virtue, jp| yung valour, >fH jen humanity, J#g shu reciprocity, Jfj ckung loyalty, $& cliing reverence, ^g hsin faith, ^ mm earnestness, 3jjfc mm difficulty ; ... 64
6- 3?^^5c cfe'i cto management of the family, j§£ ksiao filial piety, j^ ^ paternal vir- tue, ^ ^' brotherly love, ^c$ff /^ /w husband and wife, ^ yw friendship, J| i right and righteousness, jjjf| Zi ceremonies, |^?/o music; ................................... 79
7. %/p@ chihJmo Government of the State, Jg£ cheng Science of the State; ............ 94
8. ^JsTfip'ing t'ien hsia Peace for the whole empire ......... , .............................. 98
III. $ji kuo Faults and transgressions ; ......... 102
IV. jjjf'f' cliun tzii The superior man ............. 105
V. >ff tao Tao ..................................... 113
Appendix. Defects and errors of Confucianism. ... 124 Propositions concerning the Doctrines of Confucius as compared with those of Chris- tianity ............................................ 128
AUTHORITIES
UPON
CONFUCIUS AND CONFUCIANISM.
Confucius is the greatest personage of the lar- gest empire. He is the Chinese of the Chinese — in this even the learned are unanimous. There is, how- ever, a sharp line of demarcation to be drn.wn the historical Confucius and up in the incense of sacrifices — between the doctrine, winch was promulgated hy himself aH foe flyfl|afi?L. tions of later centur jgs., ^ It is, however, not__Q3i£ intention to consider the indivt Mty of Conflicjua, but merely his doctrine. We have therefore confined ourselves to Original authorities, both with regard to the few sayings, which are put into the mouth of Confucius himself, as also to the oldest expositions recognised by the Chinese as genuine for more than 2,000 years.
A summarised and withal, as far as possible, a systematic abridgment of the principal heads of canonical Confucianism is of importance in many regards, not only for practical missionaries, but also
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
for sinologues and philosophers in general. Yet it is only the commencement of other and equally important works. To give Confucius his full value, a thorough treatment of the history of his time is indispensable, ^nfacius^ was afc, fflflfi]^ ^ jDerha^s^QLore, of a politician than of a moral J3hite avm of his rethicsttis polity. All politicians are inwardly connected with the peculiarities of the public life of their time. The same observation may be applied with more right to Confucius, who, if only for a short time, was himself a practical statesman, than to many a modern school theorist.
We therefore need a clearly sketched and detailed historical background, in order to place the picture of Confucius in its true light. But for this there are unfortunately divers preparatory works yet wanting.
Moreover, in the history of humanity no brilliant star rose meteor-like and disappeared in the same manner. For the more profound and complete com- prehension of each culmination of literature, not only the dawn before the rising, but also the twilight before the setting are of the highest importance ; — the harbingers as well as the epigones.
Confucius is esteemed as the culmination of the development of the Chinese mind, as regards ethics on one side and politics and literature on the other. The progress of the Chinese mind from primitive times to Confucius should therefore be explained
1K)CTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
according to the proper authorities. For tins, like- wise, many preparatory works are wanting. The same may be said of the chief representatives of the Confucian school from the time of the Master to the present day. The names of many of these are scarce- ly known by sinologues ; not to speak of a thorough acquaintance with their systems.
A scientific exposition of Confucianism remains therefore an unfulfilled desideratum. A lucid state- ment of its scheme may be, however, considered, as a step toward its completion. We will then point out briefly the first requisites.
What are the authorities bearing on the
subject ?• Critical sifting of all the available sources of
information ;
What is the literature, which existed before Confucius and what is the position of Confucius toward it ?
4. What are the relations of the disciples and epigones of Confucius to their master and to each other ?
We are for the present not in a position to treat these questions thoroughly, but confine ourselves to giving a brief survey of the literature, specially refer* ring to these subjects, (Compare A. Wylie's' hotes on Chinese Literature, in which a part of the cited works is briefly described. Dr. Plath's Quellen zu Confucius' Leben indicates several authorities and
4 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
treats more extensively of the ^ ^ chia-yii. Dr, Plath's 'Han-wei-ts'ung-shu iH SI H! U is a short index of the works contained in this collection, but too superficially sketched. Dr. Legge's edition of the Chinese Classics in the prolegomena.)
The Chinese originals are nearly all in my pos- session. Besides these I have made use of the great cyclopaedia with its continuation ]>£ Hfc M ^ wen- hsien-t'ung'k'ao and su (^) wen-hsien-t'ung-k'ao ; the great catalogue of the imperial library |3j j|| ^ flf 5$|1 [EJ ssu-ku-ch'uan-shu-tsung-mu ; the compila- tion of historical authorities called $|| jf* i-shih ; several collection of examples from the philosophers, especially the SS "J1 ^ ® chu-tzu-lui-'han and ^ ifr Rf !^t chcien-ku-ssii-men ; the former with short historical remarks upon the authors, unfortunately very faulty ; the latter a Japanese edition.
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
I. THE AUTHOEITIES ON THE LIFE
AND
DOCTKINES OF CONFUCIUS.
These we might class into (a) those, which are considered by the Chinese as canonical, (b) those, to which only literary value is ascribed, that is uncanonical authorities ; and (c) those, which as heretical are totally rejected.
(a) Canonical Authorities. These are the 9 sacred writings of the Chinese. The following belong specially to this category :
1 . The Book of Changes, $ jfj$ inching : partly; i.e. the explanations added by Confucius, called ^ •flf t'uan-ch'uan and Jj| ^ hsiang-ch'uan. The work needs, however, thorough critical investigation. The appendices fj| f$, jfft $|>, ff, i|>, $| §j* are at all events not by the hand of Confucius himself. We have thought it the best to leave it for the present and to reserve a thorough investigation to some future period.
2. ^ The Spring and Autumn 3pjEjjK ch'iin-ch'iu or the chronicle of the state of Lu, 722-494 B.C. This
G DOCTRINES 0¥ CONFUCIUS.
work is, according to some critics, not written by Confucius himself and its contents are not adapted to- our present purpose.
3. The Eeeord of Kites (rules of propriety) jjjf! §jj li-chi, was collected at the time of the 'Han dyn- asty, about the commencement of the Christian era, and contains old traditions, true and false, as also later speculations. The use of it is, however, dif- ficult, especially as we have not yet a complete tran- slation of it. On |H flj§ i-li and J$ jjjf[ chou-li, see literature anterior to Confucius.
4. The Discourses, fjjjf §§• lun-yii, the great doc- trine, -fc ilj* ta-hsio, and the use of the mean, Fjj |jf chung-yung. These three works too are not written by Confucius himself, (see Dr. Legge,) they are, how- ever, considered among the Chinese as the most ade- quate expositions of his doctrine.
5. Mencius, j|£ -^p, meng-tzii. Although in- cluded in the Chinese Canon, we have thought it best to treat of him separately, and in this we appear justi- fied as the Chinese delayed for more than a thou- sand years to acknowledge him as canonical.
(b) Under the head of Uncanonical Authorities-' are included those, which, although enjoying high
Note. — The digest of the doctrine of Mencius is ready in M. S., but ife appeared neccessary to add an extensive commentary. The essence of the most excellent commentary, the ~J£ -4r* TP meng-tzu-cheng-i, will be given with it.
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS. 7
literary reputation among the Chinese, are not con- sidered canonical in the same sense, as those men- tioned above, but must be verified according to them,
1. Historical Eecords ^ fff* shih-chi (with commentary by =Jj^ ^ p'ei-yin of the Sung dynasty). This work is, as regards authority, nearly equal to the canonical writings. As the oldest historical work of the Chinese it is deserving of all confidence. But it seems to have suffered at the hands of time, at least several passages are in utter confusion. A thorough treatment of it by a western savant would be one of the greatest services rendered to sinology.
2. The three oldest commentaries on the Spring and Autumn by ;/§£ ^ Tso-ch'uen, $* 3£ kurig-yang, and US; §£ ku-liang, (see Dr. Legge, vol. V., proleg.)
3. The Family-discourses, |jc f§f chia-yu, pro- bably a work of 3E id wang-su, at the commencement of the 3rd century of our era, contains much tradi- tional matter. (Compare Dr. Plath, l.c.)
4. The Canon of filial piety, ^ |5g hsiao-ching, treats according to its title of the chief subject of Con- fucian ethics. Although it is highly probable that it was not composed by Confucius himself, the little book may' have originated in the time of the j^j Chou dynasty. There exist quite a number of com- mentaries.
5. The Speeches from the States, g| j^f- kwo-yli. — It is uncertain, whether they are written by
9 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
tso-shih ; they contain, however, much material for the history of the time immediately before and con- temporary with Confucius. A commentary is extant by Jja Ipj? wei-chiao with amplifications by ^ Jp sung-ch'iang.
6. The philosopher Hstin, ^f -^ hsiin tzu, con- temporary with Mencius and his famous adversary. He attaches himself especially to the canonical odes, which he often cites. Commentary by ^ ^ Jung- ching of the Tang dynasty. A short chapter is translated by Dr. Legge in the prolegomena to Mencius.
7. The annals of the cHan, ^j| ^ 'han-shu. — Specially important are those of the western (or first) 'Han by Pan-ku, Commentary by ^ gjg "jjf yen- shih-ku of the Tang dynasty. — Unfortunately Chinese history, with the exception of the former works of the Jesuits, is not cultivated now by western savants, in spite of its great importance for the deeper under- standing of the literature as well as of the present social and political life of the Chinese.
8. The Collection of Eules of Propriety by Ta- tai, ^ |f£ fJ! §B, ta-tai-li-chi. — It contains the remainder of the collection, which was not admitted into the Canon (compare a, 3). The work is divided into 40 short chapters and presents some antiquities of importance.
9. Sketch of the History of the Warring States,
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS. 9
H chen-kwo-ts'e. — Liu-hsiang published a new edition of the work in the first century B.C. It relates the contest of the feudal states in the two last centuries of the ffl Chou dynasty, in consequence of which the latter was overthrown, but it also contains many older references. Commentary originally by §lj 4* il? ^iu Chung-lui of the later 'Han dynasty, completed by JJ& $*£ Pao-piao and ^ gift jf| Wu- shih-tao.
10. The collection of Traditions by a descend- ant of Confucius under the title of ^L fH -^r kung- ts'ung-tze. — The name of the author is ^L !$ Kung- fu, who lived at the time of the conflagration of books, 212 B.C.
11. A system of Confucian dogmatics, Q J^, jjj} pai-'hu-t'ung, by the author of the history of the first 'Han, Pan-ku, at the time of the emperor Chang, 76-89 A.D. — In this work the orthodox doctrine on 44 points is compared with the same number of heterodox views. The book itself, however, is not considered purely orthodox.
12. Anecdotes to the Odes, ^| f£ #[» if 'Han- shih-wai-chuan, of the 'Han dynasty, by ^ !jj^ 'Han- ying, also called j$ f| -J* Fung-lung- tzu, about 150 B.C. They are various old stories illustrating pas- sages out of the canonical Book of Odes.
13. The Beautiful Dew of the Spring and Au- tumn ^ $C lr* H ch'un-ch'iu-fan-lu, by jg >ftjl ^f
10 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS,
Tung-chung-shu, also called ^ J|£ -^p Kwei-yen-t'ze;. under the emperors Ching and Wu, 156-86 B.C. Victim of the envy of a high officer, named £ ^ ^ Kung-sun-'hung, he retired to the Kwei-yen moun- tain and composed the book, which does not luck originality in its expositions.
14. The New Keflections, ^ |§ hsin-lun, by (^ Hf Lu-chia, of T'su. He assisted ~fjjj flfjj. Kao- isu (202 B.C.) to complete the subjection of China.
15. The New Book, ff ff: hsin-shu by J| |f Chia-i, also called ^ P^ -^ Chin Men-tze. Wen, 179-156 B.C., called him to court as a learned man, and he afterwards become instructor to the heir apparent. The book contains, like the two- above mentioned, expositions on the Confucian doctrine.
16- §0) [wj Liu-hsiang's works, the collection called ||£ >^£ shuo-yuen, the New Preface ^j\ ^ hsin- tsii and the glj ^ pieh-lu. The latter I have- not seen. These works contain many interesting tales of the Chou dynasty, which are valuable,, though not quite trustworthy. Another name of Liu-hsiang is -^ jgfc Tzu-cheng ; he is also called ^ Zjji. 3f~ Ching Li-tzu. He compiled the catalogue of the 'Han under jr£ Kang, 48-82 B.C.
17. On Salt and Iron, l|| $U |^ yen-t(ieh-lun ; it treats mostly of state questions and is in 60 chapters. The author is g ^ <Huai-k'uan, (89-7S B.C.) also called ^ [i( -^ Cheng Shan-tzu.
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS. 11
18. The Chronicle of the Two Empires Wu and Yiieh ^ ^ ^ ^C wu-yueh-ch'iu, from the 12th. to the 5th century B.C., by ^j| ^ Chao-shui.
19. The Book of the Secession of Yiieh, ^ $5 ^ yiieh-chueh-shu, supposed to he written by ^ ^ Yuan-keng of the 'Han dynasty. The narration con- sists chiefly of Yuen's preparations for the conquest of Wu (472 B.C.) ; but there is also a reference made to Confucius and his disciples. [Dr. Plath, in two different places, considers "f ^ J^ (wang-ming-shih anonymous) really to be a proper name.]
20. The Erh-ya fj| ff , the dictionary with technical arrangement of the time of the Chou dynas- ty, perhaps by a disciple of Confucius.
21. The Dictionary of the 'Han, f& ^ shuo- wen, by jf£ ^ Hsii-shen, 100 A.D. There are several editions with explanations; the best is perhaps ^ie t/l $£ ?fi W'l shuo-wen-t'ung-hsun, which is arranged according to finals, by which the search for a word is greatly simplified.
22. Contemplations of a Retired Scholar, J§ ^ ffi Ch'ien-fu-lun. — There are 36 chapters on Confu- cian ethics, faith and superstition. In the 35th chap- ter the origin of the family names is also given. Historical data are everywhere thrown in. The author is 3£ $£ Wang-fu, 89-126 A,D., also called fg Pfj ^ 'Hui Chung-tzii,
23. Shen Yang-tzu |j| ^? -^, i. e. gf
12 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
'Hnang-hsien, also $£ |§? Shu-tu, under 'Huan-li, 147-168 A.D., author of the "External Affairs" ^ j£ wai-shih; — 8 divisions, in 102 short chapters with many old notes.
24. On the Customs of the People, M, ^ ffi, feng-su-tcung. This is a review of the customs from ancient times up to the 'Han period ; with descrip- tions of the most ancient superstitions, which are therefore important. It contains 70 chapters with many sub-heads. The author is )$ji ^J Ying-shao (168-190 B.C.), also called f# J§ Chung-yuan.
25. Collection of Fragments ^ jg §g she-i-chi, it reaches from Fu-hsi to the Tsin dynasty, and con- tains in its 10 chapters much of the marvellous. The author is 3l ^ Wang-chia.
26. Inquiries into Ghost Stories ^ jjj$ ff{* Sou- shen-chi, by ^f* Jjf Kan-pao of the Tsin dynasty, with the continuation by [^ */ff T'ao-chfien. The work treats of apparitions and the agency of spirits, but it gives offence even to many Chinese.
27. On the Mean, $fr |jjj chung-lun. It con. tains 20 essays on different subjects by f^lj^ Hsu- 'han, also called fj| ^ Wei-chcang of the Wei dynas- ty, 220 A.D.
28. The New Disertation, ^ff ^ hsin-yii ; i.e. short essays on 55 subjects by |Dj jjjg Liu-hsi, also called S PI "f Yiin Men-tzu, or ^ ^P Yen-£ho, of the Liang dynasty (502-555). The genuiness
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS. 13
of the work is, however, contested. By the same author is the well known work ^£ ^ %$ if I wen-hsin- tia>lung, Literary Cultivation of the Mind.
(c) Works, which are rejected by the Confucian- ists as heterodox. — The impartial observer naturally takes a different position. Even if the statements of decided adversaries can only be accepted with due caution, they are for that reason specially fitted to place the peculiarities and deficiencies of the Confu- cian system in their true light. Unfortunately, of most of the works under review, little more than the name is known to the majority of sinologues.
1. Journal of Yen-tzii § ~jF ^jv $C Yen-tzii- ch'un-ch'iu, minister of Tsi ^. He was a contem- porary of Confucius, but older. As an experienced statesman he had no high idea of the Confucian poli- ty. The present work seems to be genuine, only with some later additions. It contains many a striking and ingenious observation.
2. Me-ti, U§ ^||. About him personally little is known. Certain it is, that he is the chief repre- sentative of a system, wKich already existed before him ; we trace it up to 'Hui of Lu, ^ ^ ^ lu-'hui- kung (from - - to 720 B.C.). The characteristic point of his system seems to be a kind of communism. After Me's death, his followers separated into three schools ; (see 'Han-fei chap. 50.) Besides Mencius the system found adversaries also in ^f -^p Hsiin-tzu
14 DOCTRINES OP CONFUCIUS.
and ^L H! "^ Kung Ts'ung-tzu ; defenders, on the other hand, were found in the Taoists, who placed Me among the Genii, (See jjjljj f[lj ^| shen-hsien- ch'uan); later again in ^ ~$£ ^ 'Han-wen-kung, who asserts " that Confucius has to be complemented by Me and vice versa ;" see f|| ||| jjf| tu-me-pien. Dr. Legge, vol. II. prol.. gives text and transla- tion of the chapter on " universal love." A commen- tary upon M^-tzu exists by Jj| Jjfc Pi-yuan.
3. The Taoist philosopher ^ -^ Wen-tzii. He is a disciple of ^ -^ Lao-tzu, but the now extant work is most probably not genuine, although older than the T'ang dynasty, and certainly a compilation from ancient works. My copy is ^£ ~f* ||t ||g wen- tzu-tsuen-i, with a good commentary by jjtfc ^ Tu-tao of the Sung dynasty.
4. |31 -^ Shen-tzu ; the work of ^ 5*|J Shen- tao of J§ Chao, of the 5th century B.C.; now only fragments are left. Chuang-tzii mentions him with some other authors at the same time of Hsiin of Tsi, 454-404 B.C. (therefore not the 4th century, as Wylie says).
5. ^|J -^ Lieh-tzu, about 400 B.C., a sceptic. Dr. Legge gives an extract of one of the 8 chapters with translation, in vol. II. prol. I possess 3 dif- ferent commentaries.
6. jj£ -y* Chuang-tzii, about 350 B.C., the most important of Chinese philosophers. The work is
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS. 15
divided into 33 chapters. I possess nearly 20 dif- ferent commentaries upon this philosopher, whose work, like that of Lieh-tzu has been completely trans- lated into German, but not yet published. A Chi- nese-German edition with commentary is in prepara- tion.
7- J& $ •?• Kwei-ku-tzu, lived about 380 B.C., He was born in ^ T'su, but retired to the valley of the demons (Kuei-ku). According to the "Book of the Genii" his name was 3E 1$ Wang-hsti. He had several disciples, who are mentioned in the history of the three kingdoms. The still existing work, which bears his name, is composed by his disciple ^ ^ Su- ts'in. The commentary is of the Leang dynasty, 502-557 AJD., by [^) %£ J| Tao 'Hung-ching.
8. p ^ Shih-tzu, about 280 B.C., seems to be a follower of ^ ^ Yang-chu. There are now only fragments (36 leaves) remaining of his works. Shih- tzii is frequenty cited in ancient works. His name is {^ Chiao of Lu. Through his friend ^ |$; Shang- yang he was made counsellor in Ts'in, but retired, however after the latter 's death (248) to save his life. A commentary exists by ^ |jl $J ^un Hsing-yen of the present dynasty.
9. ^ ^ -^r 'Han-fei-tzu. He was captured at the taking of 'Han (229 B.C.) by Ts'in, but obtained office. Afterwards, at the instigation of the ill- renowned minister ^ $f Li-ssu, he had to poison
16 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
himself. His works appear genuine and are import- ant for the history of his time. 'Han-fei was a remarkable state -theorist, and at the same time a fol- lower of the Taoist school. The existing work i& edited by J{| ^ Jj^ Chao Yung-hsien, but is only scantily annotated.
10. The Chronicle of Lii Pu-wei g ^ ^ ^ lu-shih-ch'un-ch'iu, likewise of the 3rd century B.C. The work was composed by a number of savants under the presidency of Lii Pu-wei. It contains many facts, which in some eases are either not recorded at all elsewhere, or not so thoroughly, and is therefore of great historical value. His views are liberal and this is apparent from the fact, that the Confucianists reproach him with Buddhist, Taoist and Mihist here- sies. Commentary by ^ ^ Kao-wei, 205 A.D., edited by Te-yiin, Governor of Shan-hsL
11. $| fig -jp 'Huai Nan-tzu, properly ^ %£ Liu-an, under Wen, 179-166 B.C.; he gives a great deal that is of antiquarian value. The work is edited by ^ ^ jjfH 'Huang T'zu-hsi and another edition,, called like the one above ^ j^f $| ^|] $$ (ff^=^ ^|( = fJJ because he throws much light on the Tao) 'huai- nan-'hung-lieh-chieh, with an exhaustive commentary by ^ ^ Kao-yu of the 'Han dynasty, and ^ — » ^ Mao I-kuei, otherwise ^ {§ Wen-po of the Ming dynasty.
12. fg, ^»J» ^-, •*, e. ^ ^ Ko-'hung, also called
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS. 17
^ J|| Chili-cliuen, lie lived on the Lo-fau mountains, near Canton, under Yuen-ti, 317-322 A.D. He is the author of a work on Grenii, jjj|jj f|l| ^| shen-hsien- chuan, in which he describes ninety-two ; also of a, work on the Pillow jjfc Pfl § chen-chung-shu, which contains speculations on Genii.
13. Apocrypha to the Book of Changes, ^£ ify HI J^ kun-k'uan-tso-tu. — Most of its material seems to reach farther than the time of the 'Han, and is said even to be of the time of the yellow emperor. Another apocrypha ^£ HI |(| kun-tso-tu is comment- ed upon by Sf|J ||£ Jjj£ Ch'eng K'ang-ch'eng of the 'Han dynasty.
(d) As indirect authorities may be con- sidered : —
1. The Canon of the Hills and Waters, [Jj $£ $^ shan-'hai-ching, — fabulous accounts of strange countries and their productions, according to the tradi- tions of the Hsia dynasty. The present title is said to have been given only in the time of the 'Han dy- nasty, but the work was mentioned before that date by Lieh-tzu 1, 3; according to the catalogue it was com- posed not before the end of the Chou dynasty. The oldest commentary is by ^|J ^| Kuo-po of the -^ T'sin. A more profound treatment of the work is of the present dynasty: |_[j $5 $£ Jlf gi shan-'hai-ching- kuang-chu by ^ f££ U Wu Yen-ch'en.
2. Lao-tzu-tao-te-ching ^ -f- & fig $g, with
18 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
many commentaries. — As this little work has already been translated into French, English, and, even twice, completely into German, we only here mention it briefly, bat shall in another place speak more exten- sively of it.
3. ^ -*f* Kuan-tzu. — Of the eighty-six chap- ters, mentioned by Liu-hsiang ('Han dynasty), ten are now lost. All the chapters are divided into twenty four books. But there is also another division into 8 rubrics : — 1., characters, (9 chapters.) 2., external words, (8 chapters.) 3., internal words, (9 chapters;) etc. The work was written by ^ -ftjl Kuan-chung, also called H ^ I-wu, prime minister of the duke of 'Huan of T'si, 683-640 B.C. The work is now unfortunately no longer in its original state, but shows manifest traces of later hands. According to the imperial catalogue more than half of it is a later addition, or rather additions by different hands at dif- ferent times. The commentary bears the name of the famous minister ^ 7C ^ Fang Yuan-ling, who is, however, not mentioned in the Tang catalogue, but in his stead ^ %$ ipr Yin Chih-chang. The bad style points to the latter, who lived about 700 A.B. The commentary was completed by |§1] ||| Liu-chieh, who, according to the title page, was also of the Tang, but according to the catalogue, of the Ming dynasty* The contents of this work are polity, in rather tedious expositions.
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS. 19
4- J?L ^t ^ Kang-tsang-tzu, properly J^ ^ Keng-sang, also called $S Ts'u, lived under the emperor Ling, 570-543 B.C., and was ambassador of Ching of Tsin, 575-535 B.C. The work with his name is probably of much later origin and is also called ffl fl iH $g Tung-ling-chen-ching.
5. -^ ip ^ Tzu-'hua-tzu, properly ^ # Ch'eng-pen, of Tsin. He was called to office by J£ ^ -J- Chao Chien-tzii, the minister of Tsin, but withdrew, (See Dr. Legge vol. V., Duke of Ch'au 540- 509 B.C.) Tzu-'hua is often cited in the old literature, but the present work is a production of the Sung dynasty.
6- 115 W •? Tan^ Hsi-tzu of Tang, contem- porary of Confucius ; the extant work has .only ten leaves. Tang Hsi-tzu is spoken of disparagingly by Ilsun-tzii III., 11.
?• <& 3*fc Si "7* Kung-sun-lung-tzu is said to ^e ^T IS Tzii-shih, disciple of Confucius; his work is a kind of logical investigation, especially on definitions,
8- F&T Yin Wen-tzu, a disciple of the last. He is one of the jurists JflJ ;g ^ hsing-ming-cia,h of the time of Hsuan ^ of Tsi, 454-404 B.C. His work, 14 leaves in all, is divided into two chap- ters ^ }||, ta tao _£ and ~]\.
9- 3% fi£ IF Sun Wu-tzii of Tsfi.— He was ordered by 'Ho-lii, king of Wu, 515-494 B.C., to write 13 chapters on tactics.
20 DOCTRINES QF CONFUCIUS.
10. Wu-tzu, surnamed Chii, ^ ^ ^2, of Wei'y military writer under the prince Wen of Wei, 424- 336 B.C.
11- fij j§ "3s* Ssu Ma-tzii, properly ^ J£ Tang-ch'ii, ordered by the king Wei of Tsi, 337-331 B.C. to revise the ancient military laws.
1^* Jit H? Wei-liao, disciple of 'Hui-ku, under the king Ig of Wei, 370-334 B.C., likewise a military writer. His work is in 24 divisions.
13- f|j! ;§£ "j1 'Ho Kuan-tzu, a taoist and hermit, under king Wu and Ling of Tsiao, 325-298 B.C. There exists a moderate sized volume of his, to all appearance genuine. Commentary of the Sung dyn- asty by |^ ftg Lu-t'ien and enlarged by 3l ^ Ht Wang Yii-yung,
14. EE JS ^ Yii 'Hu-tzu, or JS ^ Clm-p'ing,, surnamed |^ i^ Ling-chiin, of the same family name, ^p mi, as the princes of Ts'u. He was in high office under the king of Wei, 327-294, then fell inta disfavour, was banished under K'ing-hsiang, 294-261 B.C., and drowned himself. Before that he had writ- ten his famous poem j|f| $|! li-sao, and some other small poems ; these are contained in the work ^ ff£ Ts'u-tzu, which enjoys great authority and is often commented upon. The translations of the Li-sao into German and French (by Prof. Pfizmayer and Marqui* Hervey de St. Denys) are not known to me.
15. The oldest work on Astronomy. ^
OF CONFUCIUS. 21
^ ||£ Chou-pi-suan-ehing, which is said to come from the Chou dynasty, also appertains to this section under this supposition. (See Wylie p. 86.)
16. The Anthology ^ )§| wen-hsiian, with songs and other smaller poetical productions, from 250 B.C. to the Tang dynasty 500 A.D., contains many an allusion to the state of affairs of old times. (See Wylie p. 192.)
17. Besides these there are many notices in the ancient commentaries upon the canonical books, but one but very seldom hears whence these originate. Several authors are cited, whose works are unknown to me, though I have extracts in my hands : e. g, S IS "F* -^sti Hsii-tzu, i.e. £t £, Chiang-i, officer of Ts'u, under Hsiian 368-338 B.C., $£ ^ ^ Po Lung- tzu, i.e. j^ -p ^ Shun Yii-kuan, contemporary with Mencius, and ^J -f- Fu-tzu, whose real name is unknown. He retreated to the mountains on account of political disorders, but it is uncertain wliether in 9 A.D. or 190 A.D.; and many others.
22
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
<!
V
II. THE LITEEATUEE ANTEEIOE TO CONFUCIUS.
Besides what is contained in the older canonical books, there are no authentic authorities of the time before Confucius. This is a fact, the importance of which does not seem to be sufficiently acknowledged There are, however, still several allusions to, perhaps also citations from former works, which are not yet collected. About this we intend to speak more extensively in other places. Although all peculiari- ties of Confucianism can be derived from the old documents (Shu-king) and the classical odes (ShiL- king), it is to be remarked that too high an authority is attributed to some of these works, prehend the commencement of the Chinese Irl >f the Chou ^dynasty,
4VB^^VM^^^*HH^BVBa>HV<BH"'''IVMHMHBlBVitaAHi^M^tfM^^BMrt^ttaatfM0tfMMi
years before Confucius ; but to go farther back, in fact to Yao and Shun, 1,800 years before Confucius, seems to us monstrous and unprecedented. Dr. Plath (Pro- fessor in Munich) takes great pains to defend the authenticity of the oldest records in the Shu, and adduces specially three arguments, which we will briefly examine.
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS. 23
1. " Offices are mentioned, which do not appear at a later age."
In Si Hp Yu-tzu also offices are mentioned,
rV^I ••
which do not appear anywhere else ; the Chinese critics, however, take this fact as an evidence of its spuriousness, (Compare the catalogue.) But even if the offices according to Shu Y, 20, III., did exist, it does not follow, that they were founded 1,100 or 1,200 years before the commencement of the Chou dynasty; and even less, that the book which men- tions them is as old.
2. " The style of these books is very different from that of later books."
Such differences may be explained in various ways, (a) Individually: i.e. as peculiarities of certain writers. Huai Nan-tzti e.g. has likewise a great many antique forms. If we possessed of him, instead of some thick volumes, only one or two short essays on ancient emperors, many might feel induced to accept him as ante- Confucian, (b) Locally: many differences * of the older Chinese literature have their origin in local J dialects, a fact analogous, though not completely so, to the attic and doric in Greek. For this reason the^A Chinese written language possessed, even in antiquity jf/ a great wealth of synonymes. (Compare the Erh-ya.) Such peculiarities may have been preserved up to the time of the Chou and later (Compare the "jj ~z=jj fang- yen of the 'Han dynasty). — They certainly prove nothing less than a distance of 1,200 years. Fur-
24 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
thermore, the style of the documents in question is already so refined and so similar in all main points and in many of the details to the later style, that an interval of 1,200 years becomes unnecessary and even unimaginable. During this time we ought in any case to imagine a rich literary activity, and that is just what cannot be proved. It follows, however, from the text itself, that it belongs to a later period, for it speaks of " investigation of antiquity " — not of contemporary records.
3. " Yao's instructions for the determination of the equinoxes." But it remains to be proved, that Yao actually issued them ; they may, indeed, be older than the Chou dynasty, but there is not the slightest reason to assume, that they were written down as early as 2,300 B.C. That even the ancient and orthodox Chinese placed no great confidence in the reliability of the ancient documents, is proved incon- testably by Mencius XII., 6, 3. " It would be better to have no documents, than to place (absolute) reliance in them."
We therefore consider it an unscientific assump- tion to place the antiquity of the documents in the Shu long before the commencement of the Chou dynasty.
We arrive at the same result by a thorough examination of the component parts of the canonical Book of Odes. On this compare Dr. Eitel in China Review I. 1 ; it seems to us, however, to be going too
THE LITERATURE ANTERIOR TO CONFUCIUS. 25
far (as p. 12), to assert, that "none of the pieces of the Book of Odes existed in its present form anterior to the 8th century (i.e. only 2 centuries before Con- fucius).5' Too many traditions point to the com- mencement of the Chou dynasty as a creative period, both in politics and in literature.
Of the Boole of Changes, $ $§£ Y-Ching, nothing but the eight diagrams existed anterior to the Chou dynasty, with, it seems, foreign names. The 64 diagrams probably originated at the commencement of the Chou dynasty, and all Chinese critics agree, that the text is certainly not older.
As regards ancient Manners and Customs it must appear remarkable, that Confucius Anal. III. 9, (compare II. 23 ; D.M. XXVIII. 5) does not refer, .as one might expect, to written records, i.e. to writings existing at his time, but to tradition, which, however, he still designates as doubtful. How, there- fore, Confucius could speak of the manners of the Hsia (about 1,500 years before his time), is now diffi- cult to prove.
Although some maintain, that the ^ |fj I-Li is very ancient, it may scarcely reach farther back than Confucius. The imperial edition in thirty volumes does not adduce any older parallels than ^jf JJjJ, Hsiin- "huang, the young contemporary of Mencius. The .same may be said of the EH jfilf Chou-li, in which the
J /MJ MITJL
•duties of all the officers of the dynasty are described in detail, If these works had existed at the time of
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
Confucius, we might with certainty expect some quotations from them as from the odes and the records, as Confucius had a great predilection in that direction. The imperial edition quotes authors of the 'Han dynasty only as oldest references to the latter work. Compare for the Eites of the Chou the excellent translation of E. Biot " Le Tschau-li," Paris, 1851.
Individual writings, however, certainly existed already in olden times, but they were inaccessible at the time of Mencius, as far as they referred to matters of government, (see V., 6. 2.) Several times Mencius uses the expression jjjg 0 II. 6, II. 5 (to be found now in the Li-ki) ; III. 6, II. 2 (now in I-li) and III. II. 3 (also in Li-ki, but comprehending several passages).
t any rate we allow space enough for all this -Confucian literature, if we place its ^beginning at 1,100 B.C.
An essentially different question is " the age of the Chinese characters." Connected with this there are many points to be taken into consideration i.e. inscriptions on vases and other utensils, especially those on stones and gems. The Chinese possess some interesting researches on these subjects in works, some of which are very voluminous. Here too, everything, which refers to the time before 1,100 B.C., is exceedingly scanty and by no means reliable.
THE LITERATURE ANTERIOR TO CONFUCIUS. 27
The following works are compared : —
& a splendid edition.
Of either work I now possess only extracts, facsimiles of the oldest characters.
* * II ft B S S& $ ft ^e Wylie p. 116.
^ ^ It ^ 5 >C ^ m 5 vols . by ^ ^ 3t Wu Ying-kuang of the present dynasty, it contains the inscriptions of many vases etc. of the Ts'in, 'Han and Tang dynasties.
til ^f III ^ see Wylie p. 115.
& 5 ^ II in 160 hooks, see Wylie p. 64. The work contains some very interesting illustrations.
On the ancient characters the different editions of the ^ ^ luh-shu are of importance.
On the original characters of the Chinese more at some other time. I have already finished some pre- paratory essays on the subject.
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
i^^Cjij^j
III. THE PHILOSOPHICAL SCHOOLS OF THE CHINESE.
That at the time of Confucius and shortly after death there existed in China an active literary spirit, is evident from frequent notices in authentic an- ^Xeient works. So /» ^ Shih-tzii says (_t, 17): (1) Mih y j&* valued universality HI jl^ f$t ; (2) Confucius publicity ; (3) 'Huang JH earnestness ^; (4) Tien pg equality -, (5) Lieh ^jj emptiness jgg ; (6) Liao jft- separation
%\l M (for the latter character jg is also used). To this is added, that their followers mutually accused each other of heresy ^ ^. In conclusion another school is designated by ^p ^ facility i. e. avoiding difficulties. The representative of this school, per- haps Shih-tzii himself, is not given. 'Huang-tzu and Liao-tzii would seem now to have completely disap- peared. The 21st chapter of Chuang-tzu treats of Tien-tzii. The others have already been mentioned above. A kind of hist3ry of philosophy, comprising however only a very short period, is given in the 33rd chapter of Chuang-tzu, in which many explanations of the Mihists are given, and Lao-tzu with his friend ^J •^ Kuan-tzii are spoken of with the greatest acknow- ledgment, then several (5) contemporaries of Mencius, Chuang-tzu himself and three other philosophers of a
THE PHILOSOPHICAL SCHOOLS OF THE CHINESE. 29
kindred (though one-sided) school. More accurate details will be given in the commentary to Chuang- tzu. The Confucianists are not referred to by Chuang-tzu, but we find some explanation in ^ ^f* Hsun-tzii and £| $£ ^ <Han-fei-tzu. The latter mentions (XIX. p. 10,) that after the death of Con- fucius his school split into eight parties, which accused each other as schools of heresy.
1. Of ^ g| Tzu-chang, properly ^ ^ ftg, forty-eight years junior to Confucius, he is often men- tioned in the Analects. According to Hsiin III., 17 his low orthodoxy, ~J\ ^|, consisted in a noble cap, elegant phrases, and in comporting himself like Yii in walking and like Shun in running.
2. Of -^ $> Tzii-ssu, grandson of Confucius, probably the author of the FJ3 Jjf Chung-yung. According to Hsim III. 10 he laid chief stress on the style and Mencius agreed with him. Therefore both sinned against Confucius.
3. Of Jjfjf J^ Yen-shih, no details given.
4. Of Mencius, see no. 2.
5. Of & H Ch'i-tiao, also called ^ |(f, or ^ from H Ts'ai, see Anal. V. 5. |tf; ?g Shih-shuo is said to have been his disciple, the author of a (lost) work ^ ^ yang-shu, in which he asserts that man's nature consists of good and evil ; accordingly, as this or that side is developed, there are bad or good men, see jfo §j, chapter jfc tyfc ^.
30 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
6. Of $p Ji| Cimng-liang, nothing further known.
7. Of % ft Sun-shih, i.e.^j^ Hsiin-tzi* who asserts, that man's nature is evil.
8. Of ^ IE ¥ Lo-cheng-tzu, i. e. ^ |£ Tzu- ou of Lu, disciple of Mencius. Why he, too, is men- tioned, is not clear from the meagre accounts we have of Mencius' disciples. 'Han-fei-tzii places ^ gf| Ch'i-tiao and ^ |jj| -^r Sung-ying-tzii on the same page opposite each other and says : Chi-tiao pro- nounced one ought not to be excited by beauty, nor avert the eyes ; crooked ways obstruct the discipline of subjects, straight ways excite the wrath of princes — but the world considers him modest j|| and treats him politely. Sung Ying-tzii pronounced : make innovations without strife, take without enmity ; prison is no shame, offence no disgrace — but the world considers him calm j|| and treats him politely. The modesty of Ch'i-tiao, however, condemns Sung- ying as being without character and Sung-ying the former as being hard-hearted. But as these gentle- men have between themselves calmness, modesty, lack of character and hard-heartedness — those who esteem them both and treat them politely, are either fools or knaves @ ft |£ £ «.
-fjj -Jp Hsiin-tzu makes (III. 17), besides those quoted under 1 and 2, other acute remarks upon -^p Jf Tzu-hsia, whose low orthodoxy consisted in arranging
THE PHILOSOPHICAL SCHOOLS OF THE CHINESE. 31 "
clothes and cap, in rules for the expression of his face, in self love and in daylong silence. The low ortho- doxy of ~f* ffi Tzu-yu is : to steal in among the ortho- dox, shameless aversion to labour, love of food and drink, frequent speeches on the superior man without troubling himself much thereon. After such attacks upon Confucianists by a Confucianist we need no longer wonder at the harsh judgment passed on Con- fucius and his school by Mih, Ngan-tzii, Lieh-tzii and Chuang-tzu etc. Besides we might call the attention to the striking difference of Tso-shih and Confucius as regards the chronicle of Lu.
Of the scholars of the 'Han dynasty many con- tradictions are handed down, which partly take root in the Chou period (see the 'Han catalogue.) In . dogmatics we may name jj -^ Tung-tzii, ^ ^ Yang-hsiung, J^E |g| Pan-ku, 3£ ^ Wang-ts'ung. Besides these the different exegetical schools are deserving of consideration, (see Dr. Legge in loco.) At this period the influence of the Tao school on the orthodox development is especially manifest. Buddhism also is already efficacious, but more indirectly. The scholars of the Tsin dynasty, though not altogether unimportant, only form a continuation of the 'Han period.
The Tang dynasty is more important in exegesis than in dogmatics. Really speculative (metaphy- sical) thinkers of this time are unknown to me. The position, however, of j$| $£ /%* Han Wen-kung,
32 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
the most famous savant of the period, is a peculiar one, as he does not, in spite of his enthusiasm for Mencius, hold the same opinion with him as regards his fundamental doctrine " that man is good by nature," but maintains as essential the well known threefold difference of men. Besides this he thinks that a union of Confucius and Me-tzii is not only possible, but even necessary for either side.*
In the Sung dynasty jfc ^ -^ Chu Fu-tzu placed every other school so much in the shade, that it has now become a by no means easy task to gain any clear notion of them.
His school may be described as dualistic-natura- listic. Its doctrine possesses a kind of systematical exposition in the ^ Jig ^ ^ hsing-li-ta-ch'uan, 30 vols. This certainly is the most perspicuous and most detailed philosophical compendium in the Chi- nese language. Shorter editions of it exist in great variety, e. g. *$£ g| $f II hsing-li-ch'ing-i, 6 vols., and others. An extensive collection of philosophical works is the IE ft ^ £ |f by 5g 'ffi ff of the Kanghi period in 180 vols. In it several authors of the Sung dynasty are given in full, and several volumes by the author himself, with explanations by
* Han Wen had an opponent in Leu Tsung-yuen f£jp ^ y£ st?led ~J"*
I@T. Leu wrote successfully against the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth which
Han defended. Leu's treatise is called r^j- J|JH| j|||. Leu also recommended the
. _i^>^ ..-,« Y Buddhists but Han wns victorious in his opposition. Compare — • 5£ **f* J^j)
THE PHILOSOPHICAL SCHOOLS OF THE CHINESE. 33
other writers, likewise in their original form. The work is, therefore, a collection of authorities on the philosophy of that school. We may denote the whole school as Buddhist-Confucian, for the Buddhist leavening in the most important, and especially in the peculiar doctrines, is not to be mistaken. With this assertion, however, we do not say, that this school is amicably inclined to Buddhism, as the reverse is the case. Bat the polemics seldom or never enter tho- roughly into the doctrines, which are really brought forward by their opponents, but instead, they caricature them so that their monstrosity is easily proved. In this way Mencius treated Me-ti and it seems, as if this method is especially adapted to the Chinese mind.
But the followers of Chu Fu-tzii soon found their opponents. Even during Chu-hsf's lifetime (he was born 1131, in the 9th moon on the day Ep l^f) 1§! "7* Lu-tzii, surnamed ;fo ]J$9 titled , -^r p|p, and called (5Jfc) Jj| [Jj opposed him. The latter was born 1140, in the 2nd moon, on the day £, 3£>. In opposition to the critical philosophical erudition of Chu-hsi, Lu desires rectification of heart and life to be the main point, as the commencement and aim of study. There is no doubt that in this Confucius stands on his side. The opposition of these two Sung scholars, called forth a number of polemical treatises, nor are attempts to reconcile them wanting.
34 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
The difference between these two is pretty tho- roughly treated in the ^ |fff Jj ffi hsio-pao-t'ung- pien by $ji '/ff NJf| Chen Ching-lan of the present dynasty.
In the Ming dynasty also remarkable contradic- tion arose. See e. g. yj£ JH 4^. His work is written in 6 books under the title of vl^^g^. He speaks specially sharply against the proposition of man's double nature, which forms one of the characteristics of the psychology of Chu-hsi's school.
During the present dynasty the opposition has been considerably more strengthened, and it has al- ready somewhat diminished the prestige of Chu-Fu- tzii. His chief opponent is ^ g§ ^ Mao Hsi-'ho, at the commencement of the present dynasty, whose works are very extensive (120 vols). But there are yet other significant names on this side, especially in the great work J|| ]JH $j£ IW 'huang-ch'ing-ching-chieh (360 vols.), by which many explanations and the- ories of the Sung school are rendered obsolete.
Christian knowledge begins already to be percep- tible. The great imperial catalogue (120 vols) has already mentioned several works of Christian origin, and the imperial dictionary in general use (Kang-hi, new edition Tao-kuang,) explains many Christian expressions. Even the name of Jesus is quoted with the explanation "in the language of the west, saviour of the world, H; ." See c
THE PHILOSOPHICAL SCHOOLS OF THE CHINESE. 35
under Jfc. Unless the signs of the times deceive us, it will soon come to a thorough explanation between the Chinese and the Christian views ; that this may turn out to be a blessing to China, is our heart-felt wish. At present we confine ourselves to this limited sketch, as it seems wiser not to say all that one knows, than to pretend to know more than one is able to prove.
36 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCTUSv
A SYSTEMATICAL DIGEST
OF THE
DOCTKINES OF CONFUCIUS
ACCORDING TO TA-HSIO, CHUNG-YUNG AND LUN-YU.
//- The Doctrines of Confucius are exclusively I/ ethico-anthropological. You may call the whole / therefore, as you please, either a system, of ethics or of /i anthropology. The term. ' anthropology ' would seem / to be more appropriate, if we define it on purely etymological grounds, as the doctrine of man, exclud- ing at once all anatomical and physiological questions. Hereby come into consideration : —
1. The nature and origin of man, his relations to nature and to the heavenly powers, and his immortality.
2. Man as an individual, his qualities and per- sonal cultivation.
&. Man as a member of society in his connec- tion with the family and the state.
*/
Exhaustive treatment of all these points is indis- pensable for an anthropology which would be com- plete in itself and thoroughly satisfactory. Disregard of any one of these points, gives the remaining
ACCORDING TO TA-HSIO, CHUNG-YUNG AND LUN-YU. 37
portion of the doctrine an imperfect or fragmentary character.
These questions can, however, be comprehended and answered from different points of view :—
1. Materialistically; purely from the physical, mechanical, stand-point. Man is only the highest type of the animal creation and can expect no better lot than death and annihilation. Then naturally there can be no reference to Grod, but only to the powers of nature, or the laws of the universe, which ever work independently and in harmony amongst themselves. If from this there be developed a system of Ethics — it is Utilitarianism or Eudaemonism.
2. Ideally, or humanistically ; from the human- dynamic standpoint. Man is a free being and is master of his own destiny. He stands above nature and influences it. This doctrine leads to the apo- theosis of one's self, it does not attain a proper relation to God. Grod is either a Nothing, a mere Fate, or the Transcendent.
3. Mystically ; Man depends upon a superior power, which shapes his being, decreeing his birth and fixing his death. Here also are different systems in which personal continuance after death soars above all other considerations. Nearly always the Human is absorbed by the Divine. To this belong the pan- theistical systems, as also Determinism, Fatalism andV rigid Predestination, which does not give its right to I the Human.
38 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
4. Eeligiously ; Man as a being, who forms own destiny, is related to God (the Father), and is joined to Him through the Mediator. The Divine in its sublimity receives its full due, as does also the Hu-^ man, in its independent, and in its dependent relations to the Divine. All human relations are hallowed through the connexion with God ; and the whole life partakes of a holy earnestness through the hope of eternal life with its just reward. Perfection like that of the Heavenly Father is the ethical aim, and divine glory in eternity, with personal continuance after death, the final award. This is the stand- point of the Christian revelation only.
Confucius has not the latter; he is neither mysti- cal, nor materialist, but he is humanist in the sense of No. 2. His thoughts and doctrines do not rise higher than this temporal life. Man only, among all things in this world, is of interest to him, i.e. man as he real- ly exists, as he has been pictured in ancient records, and as to what finally ought to become of him, According to those ancient records of Yao, Shun, the great Yii, the kings Wen and Wu (D.M. XXX.), the Middle Kingdom was kept in order only through the influence of the virtue of those great rulers, whilst the age of Confucius showed everywhere the greatest confusion. Compare A. XIII. 4 (128); XIV. 22 (148). The Ch'un Ch'iu, with the commentaries of Tso, let us also look deeper into the sins and horrors which were prevalent, at the time immediately before
ACCORDING TO TA-HSIO, CHUNG-YUNG AND LUN-YU. 39
Confucius, among high and low. Confucius found that the doctrines of the ancient holy man cor- responded with the consciousness of Man (the cons- cience), above all with his own ; he, therefore, felt all the more, the contradiction of his own times and tried to mould it after the ancient models.
Confucius is by no means a speculative thinker j nor has he developed any original doctrines, A. YII^ 1 (59) ; on the contrary, the teachings of the ancients became flat and shallow under his hands, as for instance the doctrine of " a God " in " Heaven/' etc.* Confucius has a practical head, which lays hold on the nearest and most comprehensible. He shows no trace of science ; he throws out his thoughts without prov- ing them, and without bringing them into systematic connexion. But this deficiency of the Lun-yii is practically supplied by the two somewhat later works of savants of his school. The Ta-hsio as well as the Chung-yung are digests of the Confucian ethics. But both already differ somewhat from the Lun-yii or Analects, or go farther than it, especially the Chung-yung ; not so much, however, that these works could not be admitted as adequate descriptions of the Confucian doctrine. Mencius differs more widely, so that it appeared best not to take notice of him now, but to treat of him separately another time.
* A searching comparison with the more ancient classics is reserved for some future occasion.
•In DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
I. EXPLANATION OF THE MEANING OF 'fefe B A> fo % & S9> ± Ifr
1. 'J5J: HSING NATURE.
The first question, which forces itself upon us in the anthropology, is : What is Man ? To this ques- tion these three books furnish no distinct answer. Man is indeed a product of heaven and earth, as are all other natural bodies, the difference being in degree. However, Man as he is, is considered above nature, which latter, is in many ways subjected to his influence, and even dependent upon him, D. M. I., 5 ^fo Fjl 5(*P
^ Mfa ft & $ 4fc W ii ; D • M- tt. M'J M A £ *fe- • B'JHl
* B I* B B5 E <fev« J
In him the powers of Heaven and Earth are per- fected so that Man with Heaven and Earth forms a trinity, D. M. XXII., H ^ Jft $, XXVI. g&
Hk . . . IE ^ • xxxi. g 35.
As regards the more special definition of Man's nature, Tzii-kung -^r J says, " that the master's words about nature and the Heavenly Tao cannot be heard," A. V., 12 (41) ^ ^ £ fn|£ || ^ ji ^
EXPLANATION OF THE MEANING OF NATURE. 41
T frl ffij K "tit- BU^ Confucius nevertheless refers to it XVII., 2 (182):— "By nature men are nearly alike, by practice they get to be wide apart," ^ ^g 3&-tfe>1f ffij^tfc* chapter 3 (182), Then it is said :- " Only the wise of the highest, and the stupid of the lowest class do not change ;" P$j jt $H M "F ^ >P ^. The proper meaning of either expression may be inferred from A. XVI., 9 (177) : " those that are born with the possession of knowledge, are the superior ; the dull, who do not learn (although they could, because some do it), are the inferior." ^ }Jg
*£'%&&+& *&%#•*• mm*
£Xg#m>fflffil*^m$fST£ The
expression " inferior fool " refers therefore to practice, and not to nature. The opinion of ^ ^ 'Han Wen, who according to A. XVII., 3 (182) makes a dis- tinction between three different classes of men, rests therefore upon a misunderstanding.
D.M. I., 1 (247) it is said : " The destiny (decree) of Heaven is called nature." %. $f £ li tt '• XXL (278) : " From sincerity to clearness is called nature ;" g 1$ ^ II 5: & XXII. (279) : " He, who is pos- sessed of the most complete sincerity, can give its full development to his nature, and, with it, to that of other men as well as to that of things," 31 S$ >i$ B£ H^tt XXV- (283): "The virtue of nature effects a union of the extern nl and internal Tao, i. e: self- perfection and perfection of the things," Jjg
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
the same sense XXVIL, 6 (286).
^ HSING signifies, therefore, the ideal 'nature of men, but this is found extremely seldom in a pure state.
2. H A SHENG- JEN, THE HOLY MAN.
The holy man enjoys the good fortune (of liaving a pure human nature) from the time of his birth ; he is like the most perfect crystal, show- ing on all sides his peculiar form. He follows this, his complete and regular disposition, and the im- pulses which result from it, naturally, and without any effort, D.M. XX,, 18 (277) U 3£, 7 & Hfi ft ^J$ffi4^$^4l*t>IiA'tll; compare XVIL; XXVII.; XXX., 1. He is, therefore, the spotless and sinless one, and the incorporated law for the rest of men, D. M. XXXI., 3 (293) ,g flg R g 3|C flfe §
£ 9 H; compare XXXII., A. XVI., 8 (177); XIX., 12 (207). His nature corresponds with his destiny and " the heavenly destiny is called nature/' D.M. I. (247). 5c ^ £ II *tt This leads to the expressions $} Ming and ^ Ti'en,
BESTINY. 4S
3. ^ MING, DESTINY.
Destiny Is the heavenly intention or plan with the creature interested; A. VI., 2 (49) Jg| |gj >jfC ^ M tffr £E j& verbally the same XI,, 6 (103) ; A. VI., 8 (52) ft * ^ & ? H tT Z <T £ * <or of the oourse of things in general, A. XIV., 38
(153) jt Z m ff •& H, ffr •&. II £ JNF fi ifc
H. ^T t&. <& {& ^ ^ *H ^ fa ; D:M. XVIII., 3 (265) f£ 3£ 7^ g ^. But "man may give up destiny," A. XIV., IS (144) JL^i^^. XIX., 1 (203) % fa ^ ^, or not accept it, A. XI., 18 (107) (•^p j|) H ^ §| •Jii?- But no man can influence the ordered course of the Tao, A. XIV., 38 (153) .... # & . . . £ *R ft ^, compare A. IX., 5 (81). " The superior man, j£ ^f- Ghun-tzu, awaits quietly his destiny," D.M. XIV., (260) Jg ^ J# ^^, he becomes a superior man by recognising destinyy A. XX, 3 (218) ^ ft ft fa # ft jg ^ * and stands in awe of it, A. XVI., 8 (177) -JkJtlSt! Confucius himself arrived at this in his 50th year, A. II., 4 (11) £ -f- jfi fa
4 4 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
4. % TI'EN, HEAVEN.
Through the profound and unceasing destiny Heaven becomes Heaven, D.M. XXVI., 10 (285)
an important explanation, which, excluding mere naturalism, already ascribed a kind of personality to heaven. Other expressions also point to this, as : " Heaven is going to use Confucius as an alarm bell," A. III., 24 (28) ^ {$ $ ^ 3f* Hfr >fv $*p ; " will Heaven let this cultivation ("^ wen) perish or not," A. IX., 5 (32) ^ £ jj -t^ ; « May Heaven visit it," A. VI., 26 (57) :£ )P 2 J " Should I deceive Heaven ?" A. IX., 11 (84) ^ ^ ^-. " Offence against Heaven, which can- not be deprecated," A. III., 13 (23) j£j$ $$:%$$ ffi I8till- "Knowledge of man is impossible with- out knowledge of Heaven," D.M. XX., 7 (270) ,@>£|f
A^P^TJ^^^^' ^^s onty Heaven that is great," A. VIII., 19, .1, (78) p£ ^ jQ ^ " Heaven rejects me," A. XI., 8 (103) ^ || % ^c ^ ^ " Authority and riches are from Heaven," A. XII., 5 (117) § M" IE 5^- "Man shall not murmur against
HEAVEX. 45
Heaven,'5 A. XIV., 37 (153) #£g^; verbally the same D.M. XIV., 3 (259). "But, Heaven does not speak, it operates/' A. XVIL, 19 (190). ;£ fa If
wise the doings of Heaven have neither sound nor smell, this is the supreme/' D. M. XXXIII (297) _fc ^^IS^ii^JlI*^. From this it results that Heaven is imagined as a divine power in the sense of deism, i. e. as Providence. Its will is the destiny of men and things, it forms their disposition and ethical tasks. But man stands, nevertheless, free in regard to it. Will and desire are in the power of man, and cannot be taken away from without, A. IX., 25 (88) =^W*tl|jm,E^^Fr^ &ife; VII., 29 (68) $ ft £ ffi £ M £. But only the holy man has a nature so pure, corres- ponding with his destiny. In the rest of men it appears dim ; the holy man is the most beautiful natural crystal, whilst other men only through grind- ing and polishing gain their proper lustre, Gr. L. III.,
(227) & ¥to& &&."..*&&,— & #'&
H • . - €| 1>f ife ; verbally the same A L, 15 (8).
But what is the reason of this dimness, of this natural deviation from nature and destiny? To this question Confucius has no answer. But the fact sounds out everywhere, and the superior man, who sanctifies himself, is in himself the proof. For with- out destruction all men would be holy men, whilst
46 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
Confucius now complains and dares not hope to Be- able to see such holy men, A. VII., 251 (67) H ^
Nevertheless, the heavenly destiny is given to* each man; it forms the innermost quintessence of human nature ; again it stands on the outside of him,. and above him as the infinite Heaven, as the destining; power opposite to men, the destined. But the great deficiency is, that the heavenly power is transcend- ent in reference to the ethical subject, it stands cold above man. Man has to stand by himself, he can expect nothing extraordinary, no favour from above, No helping hand is stretched out to him, no vivifying breath animates his fainting strength. Prayer has therefore no place in the system of Confucius-, it must even appear as an absurdity, so far as it is not a mere showing of respect. Man must look to himself, LOW he can get on with what he has received, once- for all, from heaven, and what is at his disposal m :he world, especially amongst men,
SPIRITS ASD DEMONS, 47
5. & iff KWEI-SHEN, SPIEITS AND DEMONS.
Heaven is too high and heartless, therefore they cling to spirits and demons, A. Ill, 12 (23) %g #p -flb ^ jp$ #P f $ ^ ; though it also seems, as if Con- fucius was not particularly attached to these. " How can you serve them?" A. XL, 11 (164) ^ || ^ fa " They are to be kept aloof," A. XVI., 29 (55) $fc j& S$ B5 la <£ Even of prayer, when sick, Confu- cius will not hear anything, A. VII., 34 (70) & £ rti ^\ 3^l* -^n a^ likelihood spirits and demons are imagined as deceased men. The spirits take rank and are placed over mountains, streams etc., A. VI. 4 (50) UJ JH...III. 21 (26) if...0 $...# fa..\% 5j|. The demons correspond with the people. Con- fucius considers it a duty to sacrifice to those, who belong to one's own clan, A. III., 12 (23) ^ fa J£ . .2f >p H ^ ^jfp jfi $g, and praises Yii, that he did it with filial piety, A. VIII., 21 (79) || ffc ^ flp JjS[ j^ ^ fa jjjfjj. c< To sacrifice to others, than to one's own family demons is flattery," A. II., 24 (18)
In DM:, a much higher
48 JbocTiuSks OF coNFtrctts.
importance is ascribed to them. (c How complete is the capacity of demons and spirits ! We look for them, but we do not see them; we listen to them, but we do not hear them. They enter into all things, and there is nothing without them. They cause all the people in the empire to purify themselves and to array themselves in their richest dresses in order to attend at their sacrifices. Immense, immense they seem to be overhead and to the right and left (of the sacrificing)," D.M. XVI. 1-3 (261)
ft z m $ & m z m
<(To foreknow like a spirit," D.M. XXIV. (281) ffi %N> or ^£ 3$ 1&H JP$- The emperor attests his form of government ($f| tao) through the demons and spi- rits, so that no doubt can assail it ; he therefore com- prehends heaven, D.M. XXIX., 4 (290) jf fg || jp$
We may, perhaps, gather from this, that the Chinese mind is unable to comprehend a personifica- tion, other than the human, and that Heaven, in spite of all theistic contacts, is still far removed from the Christian God.
GOD. 49
6. Jt ^ SHANG-TI, GOD.
The expression ^ ti'en, would then be totally inadmissible as a designation of the Christian God ; jjj Ijj shen, in the Classics, especially in those here con- sidered, is the equal to both our words, spirit, and spirits. The expression j^ jjjljj hsin-shen is likewise known to the Chinese as " the spirit that dwells in man," The expression " God," _t ffi Shang-ti, only occurs D.M. XIX., 6 (268) ; " by the ceremonies of the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, they served God "
2fl It Z I!. Jiff # * ± ft ifc- A nearer deter- mination of the nature of God, _J^ *^* Shang-ti, is, according to the sources before us, not possible.
G. L. X. 5 (239) is only a citation from the Odes
$£*Slfiili. 3tBE_t?iSs and ft A. xx., i, 3
(214) is taken from the ancient documents (Shu-king)
' ffi -ffi *^ ^- Those ancient classics contain, however, in the many passages which treat of h ffi Shang-ti, nothing at all that is offensive to the Christian idea of God. The comparison of h ffi Shang-ti with Jupiter is absurd. That the ancient Chinese idea of God should quite agree with the
50 DOCTKlNJiS 01' CONI'UCIUS.
Jewish or the Christian, is just as little to be expected, as of all other Chinese ideas, which serve to designate expressions of revelation. A great advan- tage accrues from the use of the term _£ ^ Shang-ti for God, viz. that we are able to tell the Chinese :— We do not preach to you new gods, but the same, whom your forefathers knew and partly served ; repent, and be converted from your present idols and their foolish fables, to the true God of your fore- fathers. This makes an impression on the masses of the Chinese. To the full comprehension, however, and the appropriation of the Christian doctrine of redemption only a few chosen ones arrive. (See Appendix.)
But, as observed, Confucius himself is already estranged from the ancient God, and, because of this estrangement, promoted the worship of spirits with- out really intending it.
Yet we have in this belief of spirits an important doctrine enunciated : the continuance of man after death, i. e. immortality. As this doctrine appears, it is alas ! the " Achilles' heel " of the Confucian system. It has no ethical weight for the individual, as there is no trace to be found of a future reward, or a correspond- ing state after death with the ethical standpoint on earth. The consequence is that the deceased are all dependent upon their living posterity, owing to the belief that future bliss is the result of the pious offerings of children and grand-children. Correspond-
GOD. 51
ing with this is the passage A. I. 19 (5): " The virtue of the people will be enriched through atten- tion paid to the dead." ft # & & R ft If g 2j^. The remaining, i.e. the living, practise a sacred duty, and each fulfilment of duty, is an enrichment of virtue. But the duty of sacrifice refers to all ancestors without regard to their former ethical con- duct, and is participated in by monsters such as Chi ^ and %$ Chao, as well as by the holy Yao and Shun. So, all holy men are even made dependent upon their wicked descendants, which is perfectly immoral.
A farther consequence, drawn by Mencius, is, that it is the chief duty of sons to procure a posterity, in order that the sacrifices may be continued. With this polygamy becomes an ethical necessity. Confu- cius certainly does not intimate that it is unlawful, neither can there be found any testimony against this social evil, in the whole of Chinese literature.
Further, the departed shall be served, as if they were present, D.M. XIX., 5 (267) $?E$|1$£, fli- "tT #P ^ iff- With this the thought was soon, if not originally, connected, that the deceased have the same wants as the living ; another source of manifold superstitions. From this also arises the aversion to the marriage of widows.
Whilst, then, Christianity with the doctrine of immortality, i. e. resurrection of the dead, spreads a holy earnestness and sweet consolation over the
52 DOCTBINES OP CONFUCIUS.
whole life, the Confucian doctrine only leads into absurd errors, without hallowing and blessing the dwellers upon earth. That earthly fortune depends on spirits is not openly pronounced by Confucius, but the thought lies not far away. In the passage A. XII., 5 (117), that riches and honour come from heavenj by many commentators spirits are under- stood. Certain it is, that the Chinese now serve them out of pure egotism. According to the Christi- an doctrine, purification and perfection of the heart and of the whole person depends on the assistance of God ; that is an ethical relation to God ; whilst the service of spirits and demons has everywhere led to the corruption of morals.
Without the intimate relation to a personal God, and without the certainty of a future reward to the good as well as to the evil, positive ethics are no longer possible. It is sufficient, if judgments are administered on earth, to evade the consequences of evil deeds, and to cultivate pharisaical hypocrisy for the sake of attaining the lustre of holiness before the world, and with it the reward of virtue.
Confucius cannot avoid this. But he himself is free from hypocrisy, A. V., 27 (47) ; VII., 2, 3 (59); IX, 15 (86); XIV., 30 (150) etc. We must give him the testimony that he really aimed with sincerity at perfection, as far as he had knowledge of it A VII., 2, 3 (59).
Be perfect ! is the ethical fundamental demand of
GOD 53
Confucius also, A. VIII., 9 (75) ; D. M. XIII., 27 ; XI , 3; A. XIV., 13 (140). Although not like the Father in heaven, but like the abstract holy man.
51 DOCTRINES OF COXFK
IL ft^Z^i. CHUN-TZU-CHIH-TAO, THE WAY OF THE SUPEKIOK MAN.
Tor all who are not holy by nature, the way of the superior man stands open. The whole Con- fucian morale directly leads to this; the jj£ ^p chiin- tzu is the proper fundamental idea of the whole system and is repeated nearly 200 times. The way of the superior man leads from the near to the far, from the understanding and formation of the true and good to the transformation of the world.
In Gr. L. the whole gradation is laid down : —
1. t& jtyl K£JVVU> distinction of things.
2- 3& ^W CHIH-CHIH, completion of knowledge.
8- 1$ S£ CH^0-1* veracity of intention.
4. IE j$ CHfiNG-HSiN, rectification of the heart.
5. ^ ^ HSIU-SH£N, cultivation of the whole per-
son.
6. 5§F ^St CHI-CHIA, management of the family.
7. J^ @ CHIH-KUO, government of the state, and
8. 2p ^ ~[\ P'ING-TI'EN-HSIA, peace for the whole
empire. The three last points refer, therefore, to external
DISTINCTION OF THINGS. 00
efficiency in reference to other men, whilst the first five concern one's own person.
1. KE-WU — DISTINCTION OF THINGS.
Distinction of Things is simply the same as study *nffr hsio, because all study is a discriminating contemplation of things, whether real or abstract. Certainly one must contemplate them, until from them a principle JJ1 li has been drawn ; this is the understanding. It may therefore be said, ^ jty) Ice- wu is a sifting of material. But it is not natural science, as the expression is now used ; not husbandry, gardening, A. XIII., 4 (128), nor military tactics, A. XV., 1 (158), but refers to men. " The principles of Wen and Wu have not yet fallen to the earth ; the excellent among men remember the sublime, inferior men remember the unimportant part of it, but nobody is without the principles of Wen and Wu. How could the master not learn and which teacher should he constantly employ !" A. XIX., 22 (210),
The conduct, i. e. the practice, must be kept in view in every study.
56 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
" The superior man, who does not seek in his food satiety, nor in his dwelling place comfort, but is earnest in what he is doing and careful in his speech, frequents the company of men of principle that he may be rectified ; such a person may be said indeed to be a friend of study," A. I., 14 (7),
|, compare, I., 7 (4). Mere thought without learning, i. e. without addition of material, is perilous, A. II., 15 (14) ,{§> jfp ~%\ ^p J|lJ 3?p, or at least useless, even if one sacrifices in the day-time eating, and in the night-time sleeping, to thinking, A. XV., 30 (166) fjp^^C Q Jfi ^ %$
29, (59). The objects are literature, ^JC wen> com- bined with propriety, jjjf| li, A. VI. , 25 (57); espe- cially the Odes |^ shih, " Odes and rules of propriety, " A. XVL, 13, 23 (179) ^^|$, MMjUf ^J^jjl' compare XVII., 9 (187). The $£, or the book of changes is also praised by Con- fucius, as being very useful, A. VII., 16 (64) 3t.~i~* J£j[ *|pk J^, ~p]" J£j[ ^^ $§L ^. The examples of the ancients, from Yao and Shun to the time of Confucius are so often mentioned, that history formed perhaps one of the chief branches of instruction, A. VII., 19 («5) ^~£&l21$£4f til- The conduct of the holy
DISTINCTION OF THINGS. 57
and just men of antiquity should inspire the scholar to emulate their example. For the study should serve the purpose of self improvement and not that of gaming the approbation of the people, A. XIV., 25
contrary through study, acquaintance will be made with our own faults and defects, A. XIX., 5 (205) [J
Therefore ilot many things, but one, is sought after by Confucius, A. XV., 2 (159)
— 'J^tjlf <!!> compare XV., 1 (158). No more than three years are required to accomplish something, A. VIII., 12 (76) H4P^> "JfiJSHftJiL, ^?>Jlflltfe> Literally : he, who learns three years without accom- plishing something, does not easily attain it.
All inclinations and moral endeavors decay, if
not regulated by learning. " Humanity becomes
folly, wisdom vagueness, confidence rapaciousness,
straight-forwardness rudeness, valour disorder (in-
1 subordination), firmness foolishness," A. XVII., 8, 3,
(186) trtiii, jgflt^, -fgjiM- fti$&, &fKft>
l^llMffi- Therefore "to be fond of learning is to be \ in the proximity of wisdom," D.M. XX., 10 (271) $?
^ it^^H- And f°r ^s reason " the superior man 1 continues his studies," D.M. XXVII., (286) $
58 DOCTRINES or CONFUCIUS.
CHIH-CHIH,— COMPLETION OF KNOWLEDGE.
From learning, i.e. the attentive contemplation of materials, results knowledge, %$ chili, that is com- prehension and wisdom. Three things are necessary to know: one's destiny, tjjf ming, propriety, jjj§ li, and words (eloquence), ^jj yen, A. XX., 3 (218). The comprehension of the heavenly destiny is also, in other passages, laid stress on, A. II., 44 (11) SL-^jfij^B^ fgj, " comprehension of heaven/' D.M. XXIX., 4 (290) £fl^; further, "knowledge of men," A. XII, 22, 1 (124) i^,^ 0,&f A; compare XIIL, 3 (12). " One should not be afflicted at not being known by men, but rather because of not knowing men," A. I.,
16 (9) ^jgA2*B#r
ledge of history," A. II.,- 23 (17)
IHUS^ SflWtifc ^r^Bifef According to this pas- sage one is able to understand even 100 generations, if one comprehends the historical development of the present. So the manners of the j|§ Yin developed themselves out of those of the JB Hsia, those of the
COMPLETION OF KNOWLEDGE. 59
jjfj Chow, out of those of the Yin, and those of the following1 generations naturally out of those of the Chow. If one knows the former, one easily compre- hends, what later times have added or abolished.
But " men should also comprehend the limits of
\their knowledge/' i. e. obtain clear views as to what they know and what they do not know, A. IT., 17 05) faZ^faZ, ^^H^^», ft&&; compare XIII., 3 (127). " Knowledge points to the causes o£
'things," DM. XX., 10, 11 (271) • gNNK^fr, Jl'ft
' "to cause an<i effect, a. L. I., 3 I (221) %Hffiyt3£. Yet " mere knowledge is useless,"
A. xv., 32 aery MZ, ttm^&mnz, &
•jfc£- Perfect knowledge ought to be followed by the choice of what is good," A. VII., 27 (;67)
] man of understanding is therefore free from uncertain- 'ty,5> A. IX., 28 (.89) %l%7fij$ ; compare XIY , 30- (,150). Even then, "knowledge is not like loving $f) what is good, nor this like finding pleasure (|^> in it/: A. VL, 18 (55) ^Z^^i^Z^ffi Z^jii ^^^Z^- (i^ consists in completing things," D.M. XXV., 3 (282) Jj£%)3l{ll> this is the highest aim.
60 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
But from all this it follows, that study as well as knowledge have entirely a moral significance and do not aim at mere scholarship. Practical ends are all- important, compare A. XIII., 5 (196),
3. H 1 CHENG-I — VERACITY OF INTENTION.
But the term j|£ I, is meant, firstly, the thoughts, and secondly, the will and intention. The expression j§; I, is explained Gr. L. VI., 1 (230) : " not to allow oneself to be deceived, but to investigate the principles of things, as when we loathe bad smells and love that which is beautiful. This is called self- satisfaction. Therefore the superior man must be watchful over him- self, when he is alone,
The following sentences, too, point to intentions; compare VII. on the heart; P.M. XXIII. (294). Therefore we may use for it the more frequent and more expressive term ^ chili, so A. IX., 4 (81) "Bfc S wu~i foregone conclusions ; J^ cjiih also ren^ dered by i|: ^ chu-i, will or ruling idea. With ^ cMh the direction of the internal life is denoted, of which the thoughts form part, compare A. V., 25 (46); XL, 25, 79(112) ^fTfi*; L, 11(6) The will is the proper individuality, the innermost
RECTIFICATION OF THE HEART. 61
perty of man, it cannot be gained over by force. A. IV., 25(83) HS^Ipfrimi' \£&^*$^&fa A. XVIII., 8 (200) ^ |f£ :S ;g. The will is rightly directed, when it is set on learning," A. II., 4 (10) Jjfj #^, on "humanity," A. IV., 4 (30) jg |$> fc, "on Tao," A. IV., 9 (32) jg J$ g[ A. VII., 6 (60), com- pare A. XIX., 6 (205). The |$ ;g cheng-i therefore requires that all contradicting elements, all fluctuations be removed ; this can only be effected, when a clear knowledge is already possessed, to obtain which a dis- tinct direction of the mind is absolutely necessary.
4. IE A$ CHENG-HSIN — KECTIFICA- TION OF THE HEAET.
Under the word jQ hsin, heart, all the feelings and desires, often also the thoughts are comprised.
But as the thoughts have already been consider- ed separately, we have now only to deal with the for- mer parts of the definition.
According to the illustration of G. L. VII., 1-3 it is said : " under the influence of passion, terror, fond- ness regard or of sorrow, one does not attain to correct conduct. When the mind is otherwise engaged, one does not see, nor understand, nor taste properly,"
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
Ift IS f<f IF» iSb IE S Aft. All four (afterwards seven) expressions of man's heart given in D.M., I (248), as^ pleasure || hsi, anger $* ni, pain jjg ai, joy Jj| fo, may be reduced to the two motions of %f 'hao and ^ w% ; they are in fact the attractive and repulsive movements of the heart.
The term %f 'hao may be used for " the love of questioning and investigating," D.M. VI. (252) $f
W' for " the love of studJ' A- I- 14 (8>
V., 27 (47; ; VL, (49); XIX., 5(205), " which brings us near to knowledge," I>.M. XX., 10^ (272; #f ^ jg; ^ ^U ; for "the love of fc yew humanity," A. IV., 6 (31) ^^^; for " the love of righteousness," A. XII., 205 (123) $fjj$, XIIL, 5 (129); for "the love of propriety," jjjf /i, A. XIIL, 4(129), XIV., 44 (156); for the love of good faith ff hsin, A. XIIL, 4 (129), and "virtue in general," fjg ^, A. IX., 17 (86) ; XV., 12 (162). Love so directed stands in connection with the development of the superior man, ^ -^ chun-tzu, as above described.
But " the love of the people, the multitude, is very fickle," A. XIIL, 24 (137) ' jft A ^f $? £> * "it requires to be scrutinised," A. XV, 27
. The
IMXTIFR'ATION OF THE HEART. 63
love of petty cunning is to be rejected," A. XV., 16 (163) $? ?T 4tjR $1 & $ ; " carnal love " also, A. IX., 1 7 (86) ^ * j|J£ If,, ft & & % &, XV , 12 (162) ; and "self love," D.M. XXVIII. (287) $| ffi # g m, &* ft. S * £ -tfc while " the love of riches is equivocal," A. VII., 11 (62)
These passages define clearly enough the good and bad movements of the heart. The good movements constitute, and were afterwards deno- minated, the five cardinal virtues.
For #f 'hao is often put 'ffi yu, A. IV., 5 (30), which means nothing else than desire in general, A. II., 46 (10) $ j& 0f # ; HI, 10 (22) ft £ Z & 17 (25) Sfci^f^ii^ etc ; g£ ai also is synony- mous, A. XII., 10 (120) f£ £ $; S ^»
^ w%, hatred, is the contrary as well of jff 'hao as of $R ^, A. IV., 3, 6 (30); XIIL, 24 (137); XV., 27 (166); IV., 5 (30); it therefore needs no special explanation.
64 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS,
5. ff If HSIU-SHEN — CULTIVATION OF THE WHOLE PEBSON.
According to what is said above, the expression? can only refer to the conduct, the formation or expres- sion by word and deed of that which lies concealed in the heart.
Firstly caution in speaking, ^ yen, is recom- mended, A. I, 14 (8) i^y^, II., 18- (15) 1ft
gt XII., 3 (115) fc;JtSlt&iJ' "Confucius was taciturn," A. X. 1 (91) fftfft fa fa ty jfi & flf ^
"When one speaks, it should be to the point/' A. XI.
is (105) £A> &:«P; XIIL> 3> 7 (128>
" The superior man speaks and is silent at the proper time," A. XV., 7 (161);" men do not get tired of speaking when it is seasonable and proper," A. XIV., 14 (144) BftgRgfr, A^PK W- " sPeeeh 'should be sincere," A. I., 7 (5) ^frfiT-f fl! XIIL> 20. 3, (135) fr ^^ ; XV., 5, 2 (159) ^Jfe^ > fine words are rarely connected with humanity," A. I., 3 (3) ^fr-'-t^l'fc; A. V., 24 (46); XV., 26 (166); XVII., 18 (190). "Genuine speech bears a constant
CULTIVATION OF THE WHOLK PERSON. 65
relation to the conduct, which is the main point : words follow," A. II., 13 (14)
Z ; IV., 22 (35) #;g =
24 (36) ^^Sfcfj^ff, nfo^J^tf D.M. XIII. 4
(259) ^fr|jifj> frJE W* " Where virtue exists, lan-
1 guage corresponds, but not vice versa," A. XIV., 5
I ought therefore not to trust in mere words, but to I examine the expression of the countenance and espe- \cially the conduct," A. XII., 20 (123)
A. v., 9, 2 (40) ^Hi^rg^Aife' iiSW' Sff. 4^AikLS§Sf, fi5RRfih A-
22 (164) ff^^Jil^ljiA' "Being silent is better I- than speaking, for heaven does not speak," A. XVII.,
•^. But " from words one learns to know men,"
A. XX., 3 (218) ^£ffff, $£jl#£&Ail!p and <<the words of the superior man are examples for the ages," D.M. XXIX., 5 (290) fr ffi ft ^ ^ T M J " ^ words are generally believed," XXXI., 3 (293) Wflg
In the CONDUCT, ff hsing, is shown the value of the law of reciprocity amongst men. It is expressed in negative form A.* XV., 23 (165) ^—
A, compare D.M. XIII., 3 (258). In positive form it plainly stands D.M. XIII., 4 (2,58):
66 DOCTRINES OF COXFUCTUS.
il!i til : ^ne superior man is guided by four principles, of which Confucius has not yet attained to one; "to serve the father, as it is •equired from the son, to serve the prince, as it is required from one's servant, to serve the elder brother, as it is required from the younger one, to offer first to friends, what one requires from them." In meaning D.M. X., 3 (254) agrees with this as plainly -also A. VI., 28, 2 (58): "the man of humanity wishes to be stablished himself and helps others to it, he wishes bo be acknowleged himself and is ready to acknowledge
^. It is important to give prominence to this posi- tive side of the doctrine of reciprocity. The Chris- tian preacher finds in it one of the closest connecting- links. The excellence of Christianity loses nothing by the connexion, for after all in carrying out the principle the intention weighs most. Christianity, on the one hand, prescribes it from the divine stand- point, considering human relations in the light of eternity ; Confucius, on the other hand, recommends it from a merely earthly and temporal stand-point. If therefore I am fond of flattery e. g., I am myself obliged, according to Confucius, to flatter others. The modern Chinese go still farther and apply the principle to social enjoyments and amusements, such as opium smoking, drinking etc. Here lies the error.
CULTIVATION OF THE WHOLE PERSON. £7
The good part of the maxim is therefore simply nega- tive— a passive avoidance of doing wrong to your neighbour, rather than as in the Christian code, an active seeking of his welfare, and runs thus : — Do not put on others unbearable burdens, which you do not yourself touch with one of your fingers.
" The superior man acts according to the Tao," B. M. XL (255); fH^lliSffiiff ; his acti™s are therefore the law for generations, " D,M. XXIX. 5 (290) ff R5 ffl ^ ^ ~F & " ^rtuous conduct fit general avails," A. XI., 2 (101) gjfy, especially filial piety, brotherly love, diligence, faith, love towards the people, attachment to the humane, A. L, 6 (4) ,7V IUJ
& ftWfa mmfa R»*,.B5ffiir;. in other, pas- sages also it is said: "let the conduct be honorable and respectful," A. XV., 5, 2 (159) fjH^tifc', "not for the sake of gain/' A. IV., 12 (33) ^^Ijfffjtf' ^£^g. In matters of conduct reflecting thrice is too much, twice is sufficient, A. V., 19 (44) ^^"f*» El
JBBB&fT. TfflZH* H$f PT£- " The lazy are to be urged, the overzealous are to be restrained," A.
XL, 21 (108) &&mzmM&&z-
Speaking of the conduct, we naturally come to the notion of VIRTUE, ^ te. " The superior man cherishes virtue," A. IV., 11 (32) ^^^^, "virtue must be cultivated," A. VII., 3 (59) ff ; it must be firmly grasped," ^ 6 (60) and "enlarged," ^ XIX. 2 (203). " For inconstancy in virtue leads to dis-
68 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
grace," A. XIII., 22 (136) ^ \ "Virtue is of divine nature," DM. XXXII, (293) =et|; A. VII, 22 (66) ^C^ffiWf • ''The highest virtue has certainly for a long time been rare among the people," A. VI, 27 (57) $mZMfa&> SM £¥•- BSPitlA^; "also the knowledge of it is rare," A. XV., 3 (159) ftf &£!$£, "the love of virtue is not to be seen at all," A. XV., 12 (162) g,
£*> f^Jtfti^&ttt'; " (86) ^erbally the same. " The prince who reigns by means of it, may be compared to the north polar star, which keeps its place, and round which all the stars revolve," A.
n., i (9) £jg|g& *«M- JB£0f, ffii&M
. 5^^. "He who practises virtue is not left to stand
/ alone, but finds neighbours," A. IV., (36) fl^ffi^
\ ^? $$• " By means of it people are subdued," A.
iv., 1,11 (173) $jy:£lLMft£ttg(#;£
/ The three virtues are : " wisdom, humanit and '
valour," D.M. XX., 8 (270)
S^iifc ; A- XIV- 30 (15°) is tne
stands first A. IX., 28 (89)
M^^'^' In another passage it is said : " to hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles and to follow after righteousness, this is the way to exalt virtue," A, XII, 10, 1 (120) £jgftfefe#fl|4ii In another passage the exaltation of virtue is found in " doing, what is to be done, i. e. one's duty, is our first business, but success should be onlv a secondary
CULTIVATION OF THE WHOLE PERSON. 69
consideration;' 21, 3 (124) j " The virtue of the people is enriched by attention \ paid to the dead," A. I., 9 (5) $&£&,
2^, i. e. by it the human feelings are nourished, and ' personal attachment fostered. (More under ^f hsiao No. 6.)
Further, great and small virtues are dis- tinguished : " The great virtue keeps within its boundary line, the small one may pass and repass it," A. XIX , 11 (206) Xm^mffl' /J> ffiffl AW& " Great virtue certainly obtains its reward," D. M.
xvn, 2 (263) *j»nafe #ftgj& &n%
I ^zf'i&ff'Sli!' ^e small one therefore uncertainly. The difference of their efficiency is, D.M. XXX (291) more plainly shown : " the small virtue is seen in river currents, the large one in mighty transforma- tions. It is this which makes heaven and earth so great,"
Applied to men, this means that the small virtue operates only and fructifies in one direction. Further the highest virtue is mentioned. " Tai-pai ijtj$ f£j possessed the highest virtue, as he declined the empire thrice ; also Chou served Yin, although two thirds of the empire followed him," A. XIII., (71)
(79) S
70 BOCTRTXES OF CONFUCIUS.
» Virtue consists therefore not so much in a " single virtue, but in a general capacity. Therefore it is said A. XIV., 35 (152) that a good horse is called J|i, ch'i, not because of his strength, but because of his virtue (speed) gi^Wg^, &&&&• There- fore it is mentioned, as above the virtue of heaven and earth, so with the virtue of spirits and demons, D.M. XVI, 1 (361) HJSJr^fiS g^£^ Human virtue always corresponds with the inner, ethical standpoint, therefore "the self-conceited people of the village are called robbers of virtue," A. XVII., 13 (189) ® jgf^^Mifc- On tlie otlier side v^tue, if nati-ve, is the pure nature of man, in full activity, \ and combines therefore the Tao of the external and internal, D.M. XXV. (283) fife^fc^ftjfy^flt fy. The division of virtue into the three chief vir- tues, ^ftf chili, ^H. jen, ^ yung, is better than the later division of it into five, £l jen, j|| i, |§ li, ^fl chili t /fp| hsin ; %$ chili, knowledge or wisdom, is a part by itself and already explained above.
^VALOUR, J| yung, means bravery, fortitude, resis- tance against all adverse circumstances, A. IX., 28 (89); XIV., 30 (150) ^-H|. But "it leads to dis- order without righteousness," A. XVII., 23 (193) $ •iPm ffilflfcii^il' " without propriety/' A. VIII. 2, 1 (72) Hiffilillnlfti 10 (75) #?f|^ @L " without study," i. e. perception. " The man
CULTIVATION OF THE WHOLE PERSON. 71
ci humanity is sure to possess valour, whilst on the other hand the brave and intrepid man does not always possess humanity," A. XIV., 5 (140) ^^^
-Wfl' HU'fa&^ll^- The same maJ be said of justice, for "who sees what is right and does it not, is a coward," A. II., 24 (18) JC^Jt.^ JUk There- fore he who so dares to practise it, is likewise brave.
HUMANITY, fc jen, is the real human virtue.! We cannot translate the word with love, as it excludes e. g. the love of wisdom etc., for which the text always gives ^. Likewise " perfect virtue " is not adequate, as this would be Mife chih-t$. A. VII., 6 {60) \Hjen. is even distinguished from fjj§ te, from ^ftj cliihy A. VI., 21 (56) etc. fc is the virtue of man to man, it includes every thing which refers to fjnS t't> and excludes everything which refers only to the individual, it is in fact a necessary condition of his proper canduct amongst men. " Without it pro- priety and music are worthless," A. III., 3 (19) ^jjfp
^fc #P|§^ Affil^tr, Ittt^fa A capacity for administration does not yet come up to it: A. V., 7, 2-4 (39)
j nor purity JH ch'ing, nor loyalty $, chung, A. V., 18 (43). It is strengthened by friendship, A, XII., 24 (126) Jl^fftr. Jt is the proprium of man, and attachment to relatives is its highest deve-
72 DOCTRINES OP CONFUCIUS.
lopment, D.M. XX., 5 (269) A. VIII , 2, 2 (72) g^$
piety and brotherly love are its basis ; A. L, 2 (2) J§£
^4^' ^^fc£#M- Hence we come to the description of that, in which the $H really consists. It will appear extraordinary to read in D.M. XXV., 3 (202) "humanity is self-perfection," JjScBfc'ffir But this is clear at once, if we consider, that all virtue in its external relations is only the manifestation, the simple natural manifestation, of that which is con- tained in one's own personality. Without self-perfec- tion humanity in its widest sense is unattainable. Justly therefore moral self-perfection is called -fH jen. For all truly moral perfection demands intercourse with our fellow men. The sphere of man lies among men, there lies his way to perfection, his first aim. In this the Confucian doctrine compares favourably both with Taoist and Buddhist, and approaches nearest to Evangelical Christianity. Humanity is something that grows in us. There are superior men without it, but no inferior man with it, A. XIV., 7 (141)
Therefore it is said A. IV., 5, 2-3 (30), that " the superior man does not for a moment abandon [ it, but attains his name by it and through all emergen- cies cleaves to it,"
J^'SPIjE't-' jfe^Ci&^ft' PSifilJ^^li- I*1 the
passage above, A. XIV., 7 (141) a higher degree of
CULTIVATION OE THE WHOLE PERSON. 78
humanity is certainly meant, than is expressed, for there is no man, who wholly lacks humanity.
" Whoever seeks for humanity and attains it, why should he repine?" A. VII , 14 (63) >Jtfc ffij ff "t> ^'fnj'^g- It is not remote, and is, if wished for, at hand," A. YIL, 27 (68) £!!¥& $ffl(fc, $f £^3I^|. " It is the burden, which the scholar has to sustain, and is heavy," A. VIII., 7 (75) frj^l^Q fit >P^FS^- " A man's strength is sufficient for the practice of humanity, but people do not try. Should there possibly be any case in which one's strength should be insufficient, I have not seen it,"
A. iv, 6, 2 (3i) ^m-8m%jjnfr%¥'
$t % & j\ ^ >5L ^t- " People in a manner dread humanity more than water and fire ; we see the peo- ple fall into the water and the fire and perish, but as yet nobody has been seen, who fell into (was tread- ing the course of) humanity (love) and died of it," A. XV, 34 (168) S£$Hr&, SI***, fc^ft mmft%%> %%m t m~ft%&- " But one can do things, which are hard to be done, and yet not possess it (humanity)," A. XIX., 15 (208) JJIlii •&> ^ffi^fc compare 16 (208). "If the will be set on virtue, there wall be no practice of wickedness," A. IV, 4 (30) ^fM^f^, ffiBfo Confucius himself does not dare yet to call himself a man of humanity in the full sense of the word, A. VII., 33 (70) ^liMtr, B^Htfc; be spoke seldom of it,
74 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
A. IX., 1 (80) -J- 2£H ffl, JR jft, 3|tr. But by this is not meant, that it is not often spoken of in the selected sentences of the master. The word occurs often, especially in the Analects. It is said, however, that Confucius frequently spoke of the Odes, the documents and the maintenance of the rules of pro- priety, A. VIL, 17 (64) ¥ffiffillf> ^
3HWt[i> also of literature, j^jpL wen-chang, A. V., 2
(41) ^££^> Wflfffl W &> which Confucius asserted he understood, although he had not yet attained in his own person to the representation of the superior man, A. VII., 32 (69) ^||^|g AHi>
Hl/fifi"? > 9&&%&&& But in an embodiment of the superior man the £H jen inheres, and so the seeming contradiction between those passages is removed. The idea of ^Hjen then is, to subdue one's self and return to propriety," A. XII., 1 (114) ^Q ^f|jjjf|> " not to see, hear, speak or move contrary to the rules of propriety." This only defines the limits of fc jen, the negative side, which is mentioned under jjjg li. In A. XII., 2 (115) it is said : "when you go abroad to behave as if you were receiving a guest, to employ the people as if you were assisting at a great sacrifice, not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself, to have no murmuring against you in the country, and none in the family, this is £H
en" tiTOn.ii**. tBKfcijfcfc^, B0r«-
to ft & A- # ft m &. # ^ m & Along with
CULTIVATION OP THE WHOLE PERSON.' 75
this, good conduct is generally required, which is embraced in the two notions $jfc ching, reverence, and $g shu, reciprocity. For in A. XIII., 19 (135) £T is divided into : ^ hung, in retirement to be sedately grave, $£ ching, in the management of business to be reverently attentive, J^ chung, in intercourse with others to be strictly sincere. As ^fjJjT Jcung and ?J£ ching are ideas which hang together, this passage differs from the one above mentioned only in the exchange of |jg shu and ,{f* chung.
But RECIPROCITY, |jg shu, and LOYALTY, ^ chung, also go together, as is proved by the passage A. IV., 15 (33) ^g-#K£. ttZ®' &&ffi&& $$ shu refers more to maxims and to the heart, whilst ,{§> chung signifies more the practice, especially towards superiors, A. III., 19 (25) gff^J#,& ; it is devotedness or loyalty, A. II. , 20 (17) 'glg^lUS but also often practiced towards inferiors, ff
D.M. XX., 14 (274) Jfciggjjfc 0f fi»»± ; generally in the service of other men, A. L, 4 (3)
B5^^.^; in intercourse with friends A. XIL, 23 (125) -y-gra*. THJft-S ; it is also said of words, combined with ^ hsin, whilst for the actions, the conduct, ^ tu and $£ cAin^ are put, A. XV., 5, 2 (159) =r&fg, fJUSt "Loyalty must lead to instruction," A. XIV., 8 (142) ^ ; compare V., 18, 7 (43)
76 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
. 0, ££¥' 0,
where it is said at the same time, that ^ chung is not yet fc jen. Therefore loyalty in general seems to refer more to speech ; in the passage A. XII., 14 (121) we have to think of proclamations of the government, jl£...ff £ JH&- With $£ 8hu, reciprocity, loyalty is combined, also D.M. XIII., 3 (258), where it is said, that it does not differ much from Tao ^.^SJ^^^p^' nere a^so & chung is an adjective.
EEVERENCE, $jfc cliing, or respect, is the other meaning of ffi kung, esteem, dignity. The latter refers therefore also to the remaining in retirement, A. XIIL, 19 (135) JgUufg:, but it is also inter- changed with $£ eking, A. XII., 5 (117) ff^f^ffij $&^ M AI& B5 ^ If- Reverence is especially necessary towards parents, A. II., 7 (12)
A. IV., 18 (34) X^fc^jJll; towards superiors, A. V., 15 (42) ff_hilt$b A. XV., 37 (169) ^^^.^9 fjjj^fi-^; the people towards the government etc., A. II., 20 (16) &BM; XIIL, 4 (129) ±>$,jj|, Rlj m^t5:^^:; VL, 1 (48) RSJfc; D.M. XIX., 5 (267) ^tt)^f^; towards spiritual beings A. VI., 20 (55) ^Hfilj); in sacrificing, A. XIX., 1 (203) ^ $<$&.> the prince towards ministers, D.M. XX., 13 (273) $&.%&> H'J'T^; respect for official duties, A-
CULTIVATION OF THE WHOLE PERSON. 77
!•> 5 (4) IR^fS; respect for the superior man in general, A. XII., 5 (117) ^^^mn^ A. XIV., 45 (156) ; DM. XXXIIL, 3 (296)
Propriety, i. e. ceremonies, performed without true reverence are not deserving of regard, A. III., 26 (28) ^m*m> ^faJ»£3r> A. Ill, 3 (19) the same without fcjen, AffB^t' ^HHnf- Tnis passage clearly shows the near relation of fH and ^ ching, as well as the close connection of either with filial piety J§£ hsiao.
In A. XVII., 6 (184) the practice of five things constitutes jen fc : ^ Jcung dignity, j^ Icuan indul- gence, ^j=f hsin, sincerity, ^; mm, earnestness, and ^ '/^m, kindness. The explanation is given in the text : dignity will not be mocked, indulgence wins the mul- titude, in sincerity the people will place their trust, earnestness has merit, kindness enables one to employ
Of |j§ Jcung we have already spoken above. That indulgence and kindness are expressions of humanity is clear in itself.
In FAITH, ^jj lisin, we have to consider, that it is not at all the Christian notion of faith, which is here meant, but only confidence in social life, trust, and it
78 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
is therefore often combined with loyalty $£ chung-, A. I., 8, 2 (5); XL, 24 (110); XIL, 10 (120); XV., 5, 2 (159) $f|i D.M. XX., 14 (274) "Without con- fidence men cannot get on, as carriages cannot with- out the crossbar for harnessing the beasts," A. II., 22
Faith is necessary between friends" A. I., 4 (3), and especially between govern- ment and subjects, A. I., 5 (4) ; XII., 7 (118) ; XIII. 4 (128); XV. 17 (163); XIX., 10 (206); XX., 1 (214); D.M. XXIX. (289); XXXI., (292); XXXIII. (294.)
EARNESTNESS, f|£ min, one would suppose to be- long more to bravery, but it describes humanity as real action, not as passive feeling; A. I., 14 (7) ; V., 14 (42) ; VIL, 19 (65); XIL, 1 (114) ; XX., 1 (214) ; D.M. XX. (268).
DIFFICULTY, J|t nan. Another definition of fcljen is given in A. YL, 20 (55). The humane man has firstly difficulty, then success, which may be called £H
Jen, fc%frmm&m'^m&%- This refers more to practice. The "recollection of difficulties" would belong to wisdom. The right explanation is given in A. XIL, 3 (116) : the humane man is cau- tious and slow in his speech, for he knows the diffi- culty of doing (£) : £ £ f| fT Z & W ; ffl ¥• According to A. XIV., 2 (140) it is the negative part of humanity and it must as such precede the real fc
MANAGEMENT OF Til K FAMILY. 79
this part consists in the subduing of pride, arbitrariness, resentment and desire, 5£,$t ?& §fc. Hence that passage, A. XIX., 15 (208), which is quoted above, is clear, that jJH Chang can accomplish the difficulty, ^^> but not yet humanity, {H jen i. e. he does not possess the positive or real part of it.
6. CHI-CHIA,— MANAGEMENT OF
THE FAMILY.
We have now to consider the social virtues in family and state. In the family the chief virtue is FILIAL PIETY, itf. hsiao, OIL which strong stress is laid, j as the fundamental virtue of social life, A. I., 2, 2 (2)
- IL, 21, 2 (16) ff£- compare XIII., 20 (135). It consists "in not being disobedient, in | serving the parents, when alive, .according to pro- priety, when dead in burying them according to propriety and in sacrificing to them according to propriety," A. IL, 5, 3 (11) £»£#)«, ?Ep£ J#JJl» ^£J£lit- Confucius deplores, that "he is not able to serve his father, as he requires his son to serve him" (but his father was dead a long time), D.M. XIII, 4 (258)
80 DOCTRINES OE CONFUCIUS.
In this all is comprised. But also particular explana- tions are given ; e. g. the conduct of children should be such, that parents have no other sorrows, than " that arising from their sickness," A. II., 6 (12) ^ijfji
While the parents are alive, (the sons) should not go abroad ; if they do so, then to a fixed place," A. IV., 19 (35) &#& *&*&&&=£;#• " Mere support of one's parents without reverence is beastly," A. II., 7 (12)
x&
" The difficulty lies with the expression of the face, that everything be done with the expression of cheerfulness and filial respect and love, to undertake the toil of difficult affairs and to give up food, is not
difficult,- A. IL, 8 (12) -
" In serving his parents, (a son) may gently remonstrate with them ; when he sees that they do not incline to follow his advice, let him show an increased degree of reverence, but no obstinacy, let him suffer without murmuring," A. IV., 13 (34) ^
" The age of one's parents should be known, as an occasion at once for joy (as they attain old age) and for apprehension" (as they go nearer to death), A.
iv., 21 (35) -ROM
MANAGEMENT OF THE FAMILY. 81
But especially " filial piety is shown after the death of parents in not changing the customs of the father for three years," A. I., 11 (6)
the same IV., 20 (35), compare XIL, 18 (128). " King ^t Wen is considered blessed in having his work founded by his father and carried out by his son g£ Wu" D.M. XVIII., 1 (264) tol
^. The nature of the obsequies ifj^J^iijifi' is regu- lated according to the rank of the father, the nature of the sacrifice ^^J^t/n§) according to the rank of the son, D.M. XVIII., 3 (265). The mourning for three years is defended by Confucius with this, that " we are fostered by our parents for three years," A.
iJcEE^<£ J3l» 5c~F^M3Hfc- " ^e sacrifices f°r
the dead should be plentiful," A. VIIL, 21 (79) |£ IfcJ^' Ro^^^JSJft; D.M. XVII., 1, and espe- cially XIX. 5 it is said as summa summarum of the ancestral worship " to serve the dead as the living, the departed as the present "
As these filial duties pervade the whole of Chi- nese life, especially the constitution of the state, A. II. 21 (17); XIIL, 20 (135); D.M. XIX. (266), and as the most absurd errors are mixed with ele- ments of considerable truth — this doctrine becomes so
82 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
fatal to the progress of Christianity in China and an al- most insurmountable bulwark. It follows as a simple consequence, that it is the most important business of sons to provide for posterity, D.M. XVII., 1, (262) :f- 3&ffi<Z' already points to this plainly and Meng- tzu has afterwards shaped the sentence.
The PATERNAL VIRTUE practised towards sons is called H ssu, sympathy, A. II., 20 (16). It is, how- ever, mentioned in this one passage only. The expression, which means sympathy, indicates that the father has no real duties to fulfil towards his sons, at least nowhere is mention made of them. Hence im- portant conclusions may be drawn upon the relations of the sovereign (as a father) to his subjects (as children).
FRATERNAL LOVE, $fa t'i, is often spoken of together with filial piety, A. I., 2, 6 (4); II., 21 (17) ; XI., 4 XIIL, 20 (102); D.M. XIX. (266). It consists in -mutual friendship," A. II., 21 (17) $3 in f joyful harmony/' A. XIIL, 28 (138) compare the quotation from the Shin-king D. M. XY. (260) ; but especially in the subordination of the younger brothers to the eldest, A. IX. 15 (86) A|t!j V3c JL ' " rasn persons, who have a father and older brother, must not act without consulting them," A. XI, 21 (108) ^ %%&&£&& ft ftfiZi " phlegmatical persons, however, should act immedi- ately,". A. XI, 21 (108) IM]|{ffff£- Confucius
MANAGEMENT OF THE FAMILY.
himself complains at "not being able to serve his elder brother, as he would require his younger bro- ther to serve him/' D.M. XIII., 4 (258) #f>Jcf^> J# |J 5L ^ ftfc & Tnis lifelong subordination of younger brothers is the root of many evils and only tenable by its connection with ancestral worship.
Sisters are not even mentioned.
Neither is anything said about the relations of MARRIED PEOPLE, jfctijfi fa-fu, only mentioned parabol- lically D.M. XII (257), as also A. XIV., 18, 2 (147)
Attachment to death, |pjr Hang, to drown oneself in a ditch no one knowing anything about it: " this cannot be a model for the superior man, although this devotedness seems also D.M. (257) to be tertium comparationis. Then A. XVII., 25 (194) it is said, that " ^f-f* and /f*A (nu-tzu and hsmo-jen) are diffi- cult to manage : if you are familiar with them, they are not humble, if you keep them distant they become discontented, Pi^^fii^A^^»ifc,ifi:^ElJ^ $f[> *H 2l 9A %&- According to the commentaries these jfc~jp nii-tzu are not women in general, but con- cubines. By female musicians Confucius was com- pelled to leave ;§ lu, A. XVIIL, 4 (196) ^A^^ H^^ti^S^HB^miUFff Against carnal lust, |B se, i. e. sensual pleasure (or beauty, especially female), Confucius speaks often, A. 1 , 3, 7 ; II., 8; V., 24 etc.
84 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
There is, however, a considerable defect in the system of Confucius as regards the female sex, but this is caused chiefly by the anciently transmitted practice of polygamy, against which Confucius has nothing to object, he himself being the son of a con- cubine.
FRIENDSHIP, ^ yu, occupies the middle place between family virtues and public virtue, for " he who does not obey his relations, does not trust his friends ; does not get the confidence of his superiors;" D.M. XX., 17 (276) ^Ji^H, *f=f« ££- *fjl¥ Mfa 'Ffl^ -t^ " ave no friends not equal to yourself," A. I, 8, 3 (5) $£^#112,^ ; A. IX., 24 (85) verbally the same ; ".To conceal resentment and appear as a friend, is a shame," A. V., 24 (46)
En&££X&49ilt&&*Mt2- "The
superior man gains friends by literary exertions and enhances his humanity by friendship/' A. XII. , 24 (126) gTO£^£, J#£|t£. " To find enjoy- ment in having many worthy friends is advantageous
A. XVI., 5 (176) *f§^fSf & ffi^- " ft forms Part of humanity to have as friends the humane amongst the scholars," A. XV., 9 (161) fc...fc&±Zfc%- There are three advantageous kinds of friendship : with the upright, with the sincere, and with the experienced ; three injurious kinds of friendship : with the haughty, with the coxcomb, and with the glib- tongued (sophists), A. XVI., 4 (175)
MANAGEMENT OF THE FAMILY. 85
"To set the example in behav- ing to a friend, as one would require him to behave to oneself: to this Confucius had not yet attained/'
D.M. XIII, 4 (258) 0f #¥!!£• *Jffi<:*ilH&.
" In intercourse with friends confidence, ^ hsin, is required," A. I, 4 (3) ffiJi^, B5>^<i^ A. V., 25 (46) J$£lii£. The same is in L, 7 (39) referred to ff yew words : ^ Jl £ ^, |f jfij ^f lit. " Among his friends the scholar is earnest and medi- tative," A. XIII, 28 (138) ± ... J® % tfjjfljg. "Importunity estranges friends," A. IV., 26 (36) JJB £ ffc ;fi $£ ^- " Friendship consists in faithful ^admonitions and good advice; if you cannot do it, stop and do not disgrace yourself," A. XIL, 23 (125)
> ^ *nWit> » S ^ 1- " Tsii-iu,
would like to share with his friends, whatever he had, that is splendid, and though they should spoil it, he would not be displeased," A. V., 25 (46) M
Ji£^>fl&£ffi$$i|. "Whenever a friend of Confucius died, who had nobody to depend upon, he buried him, whilst on the^ other hand he did not bow before presents of friends, which did not consist in the flesh of sacrifice, though they were carriage and horses," A. X., 15 (99) Jf £££, ft#fg§, 0,
Friendship is therefore characterised as being disinterested as regards money and property, while
86 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS-
community of goods and furtherance of mutual ideal endeavours forms the substance (essence) of it.
We come now to public life. There are two notions of special prominence, ^ i and jjjf| li. , EIGHT and BIGHTEOUSNESS, ||| i stand in anti-
thesis to profit, A. XIX., I. (203) J|$|<@J|; IV. 16 f (34) ^-^Pt *AlftJ$5fi|> and to prejudice,
iv., 10 (32) ;g^& ?CT&, mm&> flsg-ai,
1 ftSIPIJ^- " Eighteousness is that which is suita- [ ble" 1[, D. M. XX., 5 (269) gl^g^; "it there- | there forms the essential part of the superior man," A.
XV., 17 (163) g-?-g|#8H ; XII., 20 (123) jfc
| M & % ft Ift S5#?ll- " Virtue is exalted by right-
»' eousness," A. XII, 10 (120) ^^^fiifc: "to
know what is right and not to do it, is cowardice "A.
II., 24 (18) ^,^^fi,^fttfc. "Bravery, how-
ever, without righteousness leads in the superior man \ to disturbance of the country, in one of the lower peo-
ple to robbery/' A. XVII., 23 (193) ff^f JU#JJ Jb
Not to take office is not right ; for the order between old and young may not be neglected, how much less the right between prince and minister ?" A. XVIII.,
7, 5 (200) ^ftuRji, &®zn>^wm&> SB
£ 11' ^ £ 'fcf IS II £• Also " tlie service of the people shall only be justly claimed," A. V., 15 (42) I; A. VI, 20 (58) ®RZm " If the
M A N A ( i K .M KN T O F TH K K A M I M . 87
/ superiors keep in the right, the people will remain willingly submissive," A. XIV., 14 (144) j
XIII, 4, 3 (129)
Confucius complains also of the want of righteousness in his time, "the multitude sits and jab- bers for a whole day without the conversation turning on righteousness," A. XV , 16 (163) ^Jgx^ 0 ff^ 7$ HI- " Men so superior as to practise righteousness in order to make manifest their tao, Confucius has not yet seen," A. XVI., 11 (179) frli$)i#}S' and ^ occasions him solicitude to hear RIGHT himself and not to be able to devote himself to it, A. VII., 3 (59)
Of far greater importance in the system of Con- s than the right are the CEREMONIES, jjjf[ li. ,1" Ceremonies, jjjg li (also demeanour, manners, i decency) consist not in gems and silks," A. XVII., 11 (188) jjjg^'jjJs'S"' lE^zr^lSc' kut proceed from | the degrees of relationship and steps of honour, and ' form therefore the distinctions of social life. D.M.
With the strong stress on the fjj§ li, Confucius' aim is therefore to oppose communism, the equality of all. I He knows no common right of men, by only the pri- I vileges of one class over another, compare D.M. XIX., 4(266); A. Ill, 22 (27); XIII, 3 (127). There- fore " the ceremonies are strictly to be observed, espe. cially by superiors," A. XIII., 4, 3 (129)
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
-ft, III, 19 (25) stHEa||; D. M. XX., 14 (27 4) U$® 8?, # I! * |&. " The superior man / shows respect and propriety in his intercourse with men," A. XII., 5 (117) §" f-... §a A ^ ffi ^M
" The superior man considers righteousness to be: essential and performs it according to the rules of propriety," A. XV., 17 (163) ^ftj^ff, jjj£j# fj^. " Rich men, who love propriety, rank high," A. I. 15, 1 (8) ^iffi^fijfl^ifc. "Ceremonies are, however, only like external decoration/' A. III., 3 (21) || ^ % ^ 0 g| H ^ ; " Propriety without humanity is worth nothing," A. III., 3 (19) Afl5>^ fc iftPiitf^F' "^ie same if performed without rever- ence," A. Ill, 26 (28) fijjJl^iSfc g§^^B' ^M A^lfi'Sl «lc- " -^u^ ^ie vir^ues are completed hy pro- priety," D.M. XX., 5 (270) f= ^ ... H 0f £ & XXV1L, 6 (286) gfcff^^SB- "Eespect com-; bined with propriety keeps off shame and disgrace," A. I., 13 (7) Sflfc&H. JSfl&INl' " without pro- priety respectfulness becomes laborious bustle, careful- ness becomes timidity, boldness insubordination, straightforwardness rudeness," A. VIII., 2, 1 (72) |jf
IJgfc; A. XVII, 24, 1 (194)
" Without jjj! li we have nothing to es- tablish the character," A. XX., 3 (218) yf^ijji, &£
MANAGEMENT OF THE FAMILY. 89
1/JtjjL^. "The superior man subdues himself and submits to these rules of propriety, he looks, hears> speaks and makes no movement contrary to them," A
XIL, i, i (114) -gaw #££9%
14 (274)
"In propriety gracefulness is to be prized as the chief quality, but gracefulness unregulated by pro- priety, is impracticable/' A. I., 12, 1.2 (7)
^F fa tit '•> Confucius frequently spoke of the main- tenance of the rules of propriety, A. VII., 17 (64) ^
#r3il ft*' Hf^lfcffli' Hr Hint- His Position, how- ever, as regards the traditionary customs seems not to be consequent; in A- III., 4 (21) he says, that the foundation of li is to be economical rather than extra- vagant, but still he prefers the custom itself to the sheep employed in it, ^Jfcfflj®^2|S, ifc^«t ; A. HI., 17 (25) he follows at one time the multitude in the face of antiquity, another time he goes against it, A. IX., 3 (81) ij[JtiHiL,>m, ftBfft, =$*. ^
~F»t&. 4^^±Stfe- H€^. ^$T- AC-
cording to A. II., 23 (17), the jj§ ^ ceremonies of -the ffl Chou dynasty are the more excellent, because they are based on those of the |g Tin and these lat- ter upon those of the J|| Hsia :
90 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
Ac-
cording to D.M. XXVIII., 5 (288)
*r*#.I,
compared with A. TIL, 9 (22) {fe, Confucius follows the j|j/jjf Ohou-li, because the JU Hsia and the j|§ Yfo. possessed in his time insuf- ficient authority. A promiscuous mixture is given. A. XV., 10 (2-4) (162) : follow the seasons of J| Hsia, ride in the carriage of J(§ Yin, wear the cap of j^ Ghou. According to A. XI., 1 (101) Confucius follows those, who brought forward propriety and music, and those, whom he calls rustics in opposition to the superior men of later times :
^. It seems also not to agree with the above men- tioned passages, that " only the emperor may deter- mine, what is to be custom, and of the emperors only the virtuous ones," D.M. XXVIII., 2-4 (288) ^^
m^#& tfmgfa MfMif !>
$imit& ^q^ttf^AXS. A. XL,
25 (110) &>£§§& ^^^-^; A XVI. 2 (174)
^T^^lWiBlgffiife. g^;fffi- As these rules of propriety are so important in all the relations of social, A. II., 5 (11) £4fc£|2f|ft ?mZW&.>
i> and political life, A. II., 5, 3 (10) ^£ , and as they are to be considered at the same time, as something sacred and something not to be
MANAGEMENT OF THE FAMILY. 91
tampered with by any but the virtuous enijjoror, it follows as a matter of course, that they are of vital importance ; the more so, as, in spite of all precepts, many deviations, and mostly for the worse, which no one is willing to reform, they find their way by degrees amongst the people. So it is a fact, that many of the modern customs ran directly contrary to those pre- scribed in the jjjftfE li~chi, e. g. the worship at the tombs, music at marriages, the reception of the bride ; also the sheep, A. III., 17 (25), is given up in spite of Confucius. In any case it would be interesting to group together all the modified customs ; the preacher would then be able to refute many an objection on the part of the Chinese to Christianity. It is in- teresting to know, that Confucius according to A. XVI., 46 (156) does not consider it below him, to be labour an insolent man with his cane.
In close proximity with jjj|| li stands music ^ yo. Confucius devotes much attention to it, but there is no information as to its real theory, although this seems to be very ancient ; e. g. j£|jj shih-chi, the oldest historical record and j|f 5f$i erh ya the oldest dictionary, contained theoretical treatises on music. What Confucius discusses with the music-master re- fers only to the performance ; "The commencement ( ouverture ) should be as if mixed (unharmonious) . as it proceeds it should become unmixed, cleared off as it were, unfolding itself as it concludes," A. III.,
92 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS
23 (27) f-g
magnificently the pell-mell of the Kuan-Chu^flfc, filled the ears, w,hen the music-master Chili begun,"
A. VIIL, 15 (77) m^^^^^zn^^n^
?&^R£- When Confucius heard the Kg Shao music in Chi Jjffi^ he lost the taste for meat for three months'. "I did not think," he said," that music could have been brought to such a pitch as this", A. VII., 13 (63) -Ijr
'After Confucius had returned from ^J Wei to ^ LU, the music was reformed, the festive songs and the songs of praise all found their proper places,"
^H^fll jtj$f "Let the music be the Slwo |^J with its pantomimes, dispense with the songs of Cheng, for they are licentious," A. XV., 10, 5-6 (162) ^|ljfg 4§|> ;KSfi^' Pl5^^- Hence follows already, that music, song and dance or pantomime were combined in the old musical performances. Of instruments several are mentioned, e. g. "bells and drums, but these alone do not form music," A. XVII., 11 (188), also two kinds of harpsichords^^, D.M. XV. (260); A, XL, 14 (106) ; XVIL, 20 (191), ;fL f- W M fl5 St Confucius played himself and sung also ; his scholars understood it likewise; compare A. XL, 25 (112), V Every well instructed one should, nay must, practise
MANAGEMENT OF THE FAMILY.
music, for c'by poetry the mind is aroused, by pro- priety the character is established and from music the finish is received," A. VIII., 8 (75) ^ftff, ±ft /fil' J^cJ^^ ^ne introduction of new music or the transformation of the old emanates from the emperor alone, A. XVI., 2 (174) ^TWjtHiilllflEft' g ^"3r[l!' that is only fr°m the virtuous ; " he who has only the throne without having virtue, may not dare to make ceremonies and music, as also he, who has virtue but not the throne," D.M. XXVIII., 4
(288) m^%fa%mn&xftttmm%>m3i
£tt>^fc£ffc#*»t Confucius
did not like the extravagant music of his time, al- though it is praised as the superior one ; "he rather follows those who made a beginning in propriety arid music and are said to be rustics," A. XI., 1 (101). "For the individual, music without humanity is use- less," A. III., 3 (19) ASS*trto$§fo. In poli- tical life it has also great importance in connection with propriety. Tor "when affairs are not carried on to success, propriety and music will not flourish, and if that is not the case, punishments will not be pro- perly awarded," A. XIII., 3, 6 (128)
This is a strange exaggeration and inversion of the true state of things. There is no doubt, that music on the whole is connected with the character of the people, for music which is strange to the taste of
94 DOCTRINES OP CONFUCIUS.
the people, never becomes popular. We cannot, how- ever, reasonably speak of the influence of music upon the customs of the people or even upon the application of the law. Man makes music, music not man.
> CHIH KUO. OBDEK OF THE STATE.
Now we have arrived at the state science jg£f cheng. The good order of the state, yjpf ^ chih kuo, and peace for the whole empire, ^^^\ ping tien hsia, are included in this. The science of state takes for granted all the above mentioned notions or virtuesr i. e. the complete cultivation of one's own person, A. XIII., 13 (132) ^iESa-^-^^^^WW'^
SliEgJf'taiEAtt; D- M XX., u (274). -if
government is exercised by means of virtue, it is made as steadfast as the north pole/' A. II., 1 (9) J|jJ:£Ut
*%to«^l^^rS*S^e- "Mere external government ( i. e. orders ) is opposed to virtue," A.
u., 3, 1-2 (io; n.z\#&&zvm, &&ro».
%LZVfi& mZMiO.' ^>frfl.#- "filial piety and brotherly love are necessary ; besides these two there
are no other special rules," A. II., 21 (17) ^^^ "P Jt J&> fiffi Ifc H fl£ "Government consists alto- gether in regulating, i. e. setting to right," j£ cheng,
OKHKB OF THK STATE. 95
A. XII., 17 (122)
"This is achieved when the prince is prince and the
minister is minister ; when the father is father and
the son is son," A. XII., 11, 1, 2 (120)
"But the prince must desire what is good, and the people will be good ; therefore capital punishment is not necessary," A. XII, 19 (122) ^^i^^ffl®, -y-^||>, floKU^- "Princes ought to go before the people, then the people follow," (A. XII., 17 (122) ) and should not become weary of it, "A. XIIL,
14 (121) ..JB>ft2fiU The question is : " to have sufficiency of food for the people, wea- pons, and confidence. If necessary, weapons can be dispensed with, then food, but without mutual con- fidence, especially of the people towards the superiors, there is no standing for the state," A. XII., 7 (118)
0' 0. #*ffEB63k »»=*ttte
~&%i^$t> KgEig^ it. "When those who are near, are made glad, then those who are far, come themselves," A. XIIL, 16 (133) $;...&:§ |& |§^ 5Jf . These are certainly healthy principles — " It should be the care of the government to call every- thing by its right name, so that no wrong be secreted behind a surreptitious and hypocritical name. The
06 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
result of this is, that the punishments are adequate and that the people know, how to be able to move hand and foot," A. XIII., 3, 1-6 (127)
passage is also explained according to A. XII., 11 (120) ^^, g£&, ##, -f^p, that everybody really represents what he calls himself). "There ought to be no precipitation, as thoroughness suffers thereby ; no ogling after petty profits, as this prevents the ac- complishment of large affairs," A. XIII., 17 (134).
ftftft, «**!• ft
In A. XX., 2, 1 (216) Confucius answers the questions of Tzii-chang, how he should act in order that he might conduct government properly : " let him honour the five excellent, and eschew the four bad things : l.f bounty without extravagance jf|ffi)>f>5?» i. e. that which is of benefit to the people, he makes still more beneficial 0R£#f#Jnfp*J£ ; 2., to burden ( with socage ) without exciting discontent ^ > *'• e* election of those labours, which can be done ^' 3., desire without covetousness $£ e- ^° desire humanity only and to attain it 4-> di8'nity without haughtiness 0flg , i. e. whether he has to do with many people
ORDER OK THE STATE. 97
or few, with things great or small, the superior man does not dare to be careless |KlK 5., striking with dignity without being fierce >PSi» i- e- ne adjusts his clothes and cap, his looks have the expression of dignity, so that the people look at him earnestly with awe
The four wicked things are : 1., to kill without (previous) advice, i. e. cruelty ^^tffij^li^jj ; 4. to expect perfection without warning, i. e. oppression, ^*?SilS£li^^ ' 3., to issue orders as if without urgency and to insist on them at a certain time is robbery, fi^^^^^W ; 4., finally, in the inter- course with men to expend and receive in a stingy way is acting the part of a mere gatherer of taxes
mZ^ Aft. ffl®l£^ mZ^*\- Good govern- ment depends therefore chiefly upon the excellence of the prince, besides also upon qualified officials, in the election of which the sovereign must take an in- terest," A. XIII, 2 (127) 0, ft^i Bj, $UMi.ft
. 0. S *• ff * ffiHe 0- »
X%m, D.M. XX., 1 (268)
^ 0- £#;£#£#. US Aft 9M&&, « A tr- M^i^ja. A jiSti*.
^. " People of decision j^, of discernment j||, of technical ability |?|, are required/' A. VI., 6 (51).
98 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
Mere learning is of no practical use," A. XIII., 5
(129 )ji!ffHw. I&ZM&> ^m$wmji< X&
We may distinguish 3 kinds of qualified officials : "The first and best are those, who in their conduct maintain a sense of shame, and when sent to any quarter will not disgrace the sovereign's commission. The second are those, whom the relatives pronounce to be filial and the clansmen pronounce to be fraternal. The third are those, whose words are true and whose conduct is decided. They are obstinate little men," A. XIII., 20, 1-3 (135). The officials of his time Confucius calls Jackanapes (Maulaffen), ib. -^^f*^ A-
If the individual states as also the imperial domain are swayed in this way, the peaceful order of the whole empire follows as a matter of course, espe- cially if a virtuous emperor be at the head of it. In A. XX., 1 (214) a short but good characteristic of.
8. zp^cT PING-TIEN-HSIA. THE OLD
IMPEKIAL MODEL GOVERNMENT
IS GIVEN.
The chief points are of Yao and Shun : "the order of succession which heaven has bestowed rests now in thy person ; maintain without wavering the mean ; should misery arise within the four seas, thy
THE OLD IMPERIAL MODEL GOVERNMENT IS GIVEN. 99
heavenly revenue will come to an eternal end ;" com- pare A. XIV., 45 (156) ; VIIL, 19 (18) ; S,L. IX., 4 (228) D. M. VI., (252) ; XVII., 1 (262) ; XXX., I (291) ; A. VL, 28 (58) ; XIL, 22, 6 (125) ; XV., 4 (159).
Hence it follows, that government is considered as an institution by the grace of God or at least of Heaven. But just because of this the sovereign has to exert himself to keep within the heavenly ways, i. e. in the centre of the Tao, which is the established course of things. He is not allowed to transgress the heavenly ways, nor to oppose them. If the prince does the latter, he disturbs the general harmony, and confusion and misery arise. Then the people turn away from him and the sovereign loses his revenue, i. e. his throne.
Tang, $jf, is more profound- He sacrifices and vows he will not dare to forgive (to suffer to pass) sins, nor to put in the dark the servants of God ; he will select them after God's own heart flj^E^Vj?- If I leave sin on my own person, it shall have nothing to do with the 10,000 territories; if the territories have sin, the sin be on my person, A. XX., A. XII., 22, 6 (125); G.L. II., 1 (225).
Here we have something, that stands high above Confucius and which may be considered as the ideal of a theistic monarch. Three important points are especially pronminent ; 1., the recognition of depen- dence upon the majestic ruler on high, God ; 2., the
100 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
selection of officials, according to the will of God, i. e. of such as realize God's demands upon men, but not merely the materially technical ones ; 3., the earnest conception of sin ; it is too vast, to be forgiven by men, but the sovereign represents the people.
It is to be deplored, that Confucius did not continue in this way. The Chous, f$, i. e. Wen, j)£, Wu, j£, and especially DuJce Chou are only statesmen and men of the world, the special models of Confucius.
The Chous possessed great gifts and the good men were enriched by them. They provided weights and measures, revised the laws, reinstituted the abolished offices, rebuilt the destroyed cities, continued the hereditary titles, raised to rank the retired scholars ; the most important objects of their care were the nourishment, mourning and sacrifices of the people.
Their mildness captivated the multitude, their confidence made the people willing ; zeal had a reward, disinterestedness, $*, rendered the people happy.
In spite of their shallowness, when compared with Tang, $jf, the Chous have still more ideal value than many modern politicians, to whom the highest aim in public life is wealth, i. e. a material National Economy, the finance with its powerful agencies ; commerce and industry, objectively, desire and enjoy- ment, subjectively. In Chinese politics man forms the chief object, firstly of course according to his
THE OLD IMPERIAL MODEL GOVERNMENT IS GIVEN. 101
physical necessities, ^ ssu, but especially man as an ethical being, whose moral perfection should not only not be obstructed by the state, but in every way advanced. There is unfortunately a great gulf be- tween theory and practice in China. Notwith- standing, the Chinese will never conceive any respect for a western civilisation, the representatives of which only shows interest in material welfare and are in- different as regards the higher necessities of human nature. The Chinese themselves at least have a general idea in what the higher aim consists, even if they do not act accordingly.
We have already explained the normal develop- ment of the superior man, JJ^-f* cMn tzu, from the early intrinsic beginning to his highest perfection in public. But even according to Confucius this is not done uninterruptedly in a normal way, but there are irregularities.
102 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
III. ^ KUO, FAULTS AND TEANSGEESSIONS.
We therefore consider now faults and trans- gressions, ^ kuo ; " to go beyond, is as wrong as to fall short," A. XL, 15, 3 (100), SiJBpF^Jt "The intelligent and the distinguished men go beyond it, the fools and unworthy do not come up to it," D. M.
' Xsms of omission and commission). "The transgressions of men are characteristic of the class to which they belong ; by observing their trans- gressions, we know the condition of their humanity,"
A. iv, 7 (3i) k2m&&te£m,&M%jftt
2^|. "The superior man is not afraid to correct his fault," A. I., 8, 4 (5) %?...&&%&& . A. IX., 24 (88) verbally the same. "Yin Hui, did not com- mit the same fault twice," A. VI., 2 (49) ^^[Bj^ ^^,^^^,^J5^S. " Chiu Pai Yu, is anxious to make his faults few, but he does not succeed," A. XIV., 26 (150(^fe5(^AKlL^?LT'ffi^^
m
<To have faults
FAULTS AND TRANSGRESSIONS. 103
and not to reform them, is a fault," A. XV., 29 (166)
Mrfij ffifa Sfi^l^c- " Tne mean man is sure to
gloss his faults," A. XIX., 8 (206) /hA£$Hll4&X- "The faults of the superior man are like the eclipses of the sun and moon, apparent before the eyes of the world," A. XIX. 21 (210) ^£^,#00 RZ
*M>m&>k%&Z,$i&,A&tot. "Con-
fucius is therefore fortunate in that people are certain to know his faults/' A. VII., 30 (69) ^0, J^-^^, ^f-WM' A^^ff^- Bui he calls out, in sadness at the world : " It is all over ! I have not yet seen a man who could perceive his faults and inwardly accuse himself," A. V., 26 (47) E^^W^MJlftA ffiij% Qi&^ifii- " In affairs of government it be- hoves one to commit few faults," D.M. XXIX., 1
(289) ae ^T^HS^, ss®£¥>
pardon small faults," A. XIII., 2 (127) " For the superior man governs men humanely : as soon as they change (what is wrong), he stops," D.M. XIII., 2 (258) ^42 A/&A. Efeiffilb "Through the study of the book of changes, Ti King, one may keep free from great faults," A. VII. , 16 (64) f^ PTl#lfe*;M^- " Everybody who knows the Yi- King will call this superstition. This, however, is to be acknowledged, that much stress is laid upon the fact, that the individual should perceive and rid him- self of his faults. The improvement of the world must begin in our own hearts, the world then follows
104 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
of itself." " We should therefore not assail the wickedness of others, but only that of ourselves," A. XII., 21, 3 (124) Jfeggg, m&kZB- " The at- tack upon error also, he considers as only dangerous/' A. IL. 16 (14) Tfc&jfflk, SrWt&E- But in this Confucius goes too far to the other extreme. With- out polemics truth is soon choked by the overgrowth of error, and the good by the overwhelming power of evil.
THE SUPERIOR MAN. 105
CHUN TZU, THE SUPEEIOE MAN.
If we now return to the superior man, we are able to comprehend, why in the 3 books, especially in the Analects, this expression is of so much importance, and is in fact the fundamental notion.
" Solid qualities and accomplishments keep in him the equilibrium," A. VI., 16 (54)
" He stands in awe of the ordinances of heaven, — for without this knowledge it is impossible to be a superior man," A. XX., 3 (218) ^fcl^, ^M^^ •^"tfi, " in awe of great men, and of the words of the sages," A. XVI., 8 (177) #•?•;£=:& H^ffr, & !^C A>:p|:iiA<rW- "Mere eloquence does not make him," A. XL, 20 (108) Iftlf Iffi,^;^. "He has an extensive learning in literature and keeps himself under the restraint of propriety," A. VI., 25 (57) ^TfiW£>$j£J#jiiI ; " m music and in manners he is qualified," A. XL, 25 (111) fiftf^, J£l$llf "?• " In his deportment he keeps from violence and heedlessness, in his expression he is sin_ cere, in the tone of his words he holds himself aloof
106 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
from vulgarity," A. VIII., 4 (73) f)^
" Nothing puts him out of countenance," A VIII., 6
(74) ^Afi!,ffirW«#-?A^7-A^
"he has neither anxiety nor fear nor doubt," A. XIV.r
so (150) 37iK$='lt&$&'1=fi71t'#l;
^1§' -PI /l^^ 111 » "frut wisdom, humanity and valour,, and that because the scrutiny of his inner man betrays- no blemish," A. XIL, 4 (116) ft^^^^fa^ jcf HI' " ^e *s grand> ^u^ n(>^ overweening," A. XIII., 26(138) ^^^rf57©»^AIiffilJ^ c'he en- dures want," A. XV. 1, 3 (158) § -^ g| f|, /J>» ^ || ^f{^^T " for his aims- are directed to Tao, not ta eating ; the object of his anxiety is Tao, not poverty,"
A. xv., 3i (167) &?maixm&,i8¥mmx
Jjl*^ji£. " He abstains, when a youth from lust, when a man from quarrelsomeness, when he is- old from covetousness," A. XVL, 7 (177)
eousness is his essence, he acts according, to it with propriety, he brings it forth in humility and completes it with sincerity," A. XV., 17 (163)
learns in order to attain Tao, and then loves men," A. XIX., 7 (205) g^0I£ £il ; XVII., 4, 3 (188)
considers nine things : in
THE SUPERIOR MAN. 107
seeing to see clearly, in hearing to hear distinctly, in expression to he benign, in his demeanour to be decorous, in speaking to be sincere, in his duties to be respectful, in doubt to inquire, in resentment to think of difficulties, when he sees prospects before him, he thinks of righteousness," A. XVI., 10 (178)
goes three changes : at a distance he is earnest ; when approached, mild ; in his words he is decided/' A.
XLX., 9 (m&ftt£*Zm!&to&W&,
§j§ j£ |f ttiJ||- " His want of ability distresses him," A. XV., 18 (164) itf- 3gftE||§. " He exacts no- thing from others, but all from himself,'1 A. XV., 20 (164) 9^MtMiA4UIA- " He is troubled that his name will not be mentioned after his death," A XV., 19 (164) g-T-lfc&tit. m% *m& "He is cautious as regards that which he does not see, and apprehensive as regards that which he does not hear ; he is watchful, when he is alone," D M. L, 2, 3 (248)
"He corrects himself, and seeks for nothing from men, he maintains a repose ( gracefulness ), awaiting destiny," D. M.
xiv., 3, 4 (260) iEaffo^&A-i&tH^^
KH&ifa- "His way goes from the near to the far, from the low to the high," D.M. XV., (266)
108 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
constantly inquires and learns, and carries it out to its length and breadth ; his way consists in the application of the mean, he cherishes the past, is acquainted with the present and gives proper value to the rules of propriety'; when occupying a high position, he is not proud, and in a low situation not insubordinate," D.M. XXVII., (286)
_.
his attention to what is radical, i. e. filial piety and
brotherly love," A. L, 2, 2 (2) ^^ %%#,# itffij 3l ^fe'-^-^til^l"- " -H-6 is earnest in what he is doing and careful in his speech," A. L, 14 (8) f|t J^ljl, iffl
" Action is more to him than words," A. XIV., 29 (150) ^TSltSW'ffiMSff, "or both are com- pletely alike," D.M. XIIL, (258) Jiffi^'fT' Ef
,
He is grave in order that he may be venerated," A. L, 8 (5) ^~f^^^ $\^fi& " ne ^s ca^olic and no partizan," II., 14 (14) STMTO ^A^iffiT® VII., 30 (69)
3g-Wl; XV., 21 (164) JBTftm^'^tinX
^ ; " He does not quarrel, but if he quarrels, still as a superior man," A. III., 7 (21) ff:pft|#[4fk fi ^tjlff^ , compare XV., 21 (164). " He is neither conservative, nor obstructive, but follows what is
THE SUPERIOR MAN. 10CJ
right," A. IV., 20 (32)
!&i& " an<1 converses about it," 1G (34) M' /J» A % &§ Jft ; "lie never acts con- trary to humanity," A. IV , 5, 2-3 (30) ft^^fc, EM& & m®&Zm-M. t ; " He associates with his equals," A. V., 2 (37) % T tit % J» % fa £ J-%, M JIS iff- " He finds friends by means of literary studies, and promotes his virtue through his friends," A. A II., 24 (120) #?•#££& Mft £T. Therefore " he does not associate with persons who are not good themselves," A. XVII., 7, 2 (185)
ft^9»J|7*^^7Aft- "He is grave in his conduct ^ /^?^, in serving his superiors res- pectful Jjfc ching, in fostering the people kind ^ /mi, in employing the people just," A. V., 15 (42) itff
S ifc i?. s.ftj:ife«, s^Sifel, XIUliLif-
" He thinks as much of virtue as of punishment," A.
iy, 11 (32) ^1ifI,*A1i±.g^«J-/J>A
IM/H/ " He helps the distressed without adding to the wealth of the rich," A. VI., 3 (50) " he cannot be befooled," A. VI., 24 (57)
ft»7Wli1ft>^^1b»77nik "he does not
oppose ( what is right ) 25 (57) ^pf {^t^B^^^c " He is sincere towards relatives and does not neglect old acquaintances," A. VIII, 2 (72) ft^lftlftfflt WIR^I*t:/tt«TM'MRT^ "all men are his brothers, because he is reverential," A. XII., 5 (117)
HO DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
> 3 ?• tf ft ¥t B Jl ftfe " His presence scares away rudeness," A. IX., 13 (85) -jriJftHJ^LPI'
&BmtoZfr ?&>%?%& ftV&t^; "he
seeks to perfect the admirable, not the bad qualities in men," A XIL, 16 (122) jg^rffc ^Z^^&K ;£35, /J> A2Xxfe- " His virtue is like the wind, be- fore which men bend like grass," A. XII., 19 (123)
shows a cautious reserve in regard to what he does not know," A. XIII., 3,4(127)#f-;5yt#f#fcl,g UUtat[t» " he is affable without adulation/' XII I. , 23 (ISV^g-f-jfPffii^^./hAl^ffi^jlto; "heis easy to serve and difficult to please, as the latter must be according to Tao," A. XIII., 25 (137J ^^ij^-
ffij HUHk IM £TO*i> 7!/t & ; "He cultivates himself and reverential care and in this way gives rest to the people," A. XIV., 45 (156) fif QJ#$£, 0, #p
HfrZlE^&itajgt^A- "He takes office when Tao prevails in the state, but keeps his aifairs in his breast, when Tao is not to be found," A. XV ,
e dec) § T- n n & m fan mm, w «r ^. m
^ ^; XVIIL, 7, 5 (200) mZ^rr, E^±^ J "he cannot be known in little matters, but he keeps great concerns," A. XV., 33 (168) ff ^ # of ^ ($, jjfg pf
A^ifc^hAxFf'rA^' ffij PT^J^P^- "He places righteousness above valour," A. XVII., 23 (193)
THE SUPERIOR MAN. Ill
> " He does not promote men simply on account of words, nor does he contemn good words, on account of men/' A. XV., 22 (164) ^^p^J^ff ^A'^JitAJillf^ "Even he is counted wise or foolish by the effect of a single word," A. XIX,, 25, 2 (212) #f— WMm~lrM'» "He becomes indignant at maxims like this : I want it, therefore I must do it," A. XVI., 1, 9 (172;
of men's faults, he dislikes men in low position, who slander their superiors, compare D.M. XIV,, (259), he hates men valorous without propriety and hates audacious men of narrow understanding," A. XVII., 24, 1 (193)3g-^%W¥':¥
TflMiii Jif.^n mmm% '^
" He treats his children just as other people's children," A. XVI, 13, 5 (1 80) ff- ^ £ £| S -^ -tfe. " His teaching is classified," A. XIX., 12 (207)
does not neglect his relations, he does not cause states- men to feel resentment by not employing them. Without some great cause, he does not dismiss the members of old families. He does not seek in one man talents for every employment," A. XVIIL, 10 (202) §^^|ft^^^ffiAg^^,^J««:A **i& fW^iH&> $£*1i^A- " He honours the excellent, bears with all, praises the good and pities the incompetent," A. XIX., 3 (204)
11:2 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
If JTrfijf^Fi' "After having obtained their confidence he imposes socage on the people," A.
xix, 10 (.206) ig -HIT, m&%g& *ig. m M
^'i^Bifii- " He honours the five excellent things, beneficence without extravagance, socage without aver- tion, desire without covetousness, dignity without pride, fear without abuse of power," A. XX., 2, 1 (2 16)
^P "Hf» S ffil -^ Si* anc^ eschews the four bad things ; i.e. cruelty, oppression, rapine and red tapism, $|pj5j j§l . . . Jjir iJ£, Mr W S] • "He hates to occupy a low position where all the filth flows in upon him," A.
XEX., 20 (209) -i-T-jg^l* ^T^S'^^.1-
" His faults are like the eclipses of the sun and moon, which can be seen by every one," A. XIX., 21 (210)
'
- "He always uses the medium," D.M. II., 2 (250) jg-f- Z 4* E ifc' & T SB Hf *'
" He cultivates harmony without being inconstant,. he stands erect in the centre and remains the same, be the government good or bad," D.M. X., 5 (254)
nJc^S' " His energy consists in showing mildness in teaching and in not revenging injury received," D.M,
x., 3 (.254) fii^it xwm&$tifZ&tor&
-y*J@§ ^. " He does not abandon his course half- way/*
D.M. XI., 2 (255)
THE SUPERIOR MAN. 113
fib 1ft ^c* " ^S way ™ ^e same as that ° and earth and of all things," D.M. XII., 4 (257)
V. 0| TAG, TAG.
The word Tao appears in a donble form : with the hook, denoting the 3rd tone, then it means " to rule, to lead", to rule an empire, ^(^ A. I., 5(4); II., 3 (10); a friend g^, A. XII, 23 (125); the people *HJg, A. XIX., 25 (213). But also without the hook it stands as a verb in the sense of "to mean, to signify", G.L. III., 4 (227) &${& and ;£&&£$! X., 5 (239) Sig-Jfc, 11 (240) %&$&£. In these latter passages :jjj[ tao follows a quotation and draws from it the moral, and is therefore rather more than " to mean". " To say" and " to speak to" are false translations, A. XII., 23 (125). Whereever the word is a noun, it has the double meaning of our word "way", i. e. in its proper sense of highway, and metaphorically " doctrine, principle." A way is the connecting line between two points, and only becomes a way, when something moves upon it. Every way has a distinct beginning or starting point and also a distinct goal, towards which it tends. Though the end of a way is often unknown or unattainable, still the direction can be given with certainty. As regards
114 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
man, the point from where he starts is his individual nature, his own self. Thence he may take different directions or ways, in circular movements round him- self, upwards or downwards in divers turnings and directions, or in a straight line, which however hardly ever happened or will. But Tao always denotes the endeavour to reach a certain aim. Confucius shows this aim, as we have seen, in the shape of the holy man. But the way, that leads to tins, goes farther than the holy man into the community of the world, D.M. XII, 2 (256) £Mife,Bitlg
On this point Confucius is always wisely silent. At all events there are indications enough to satisfy us,. that there is no material difference in this point be- tween Confucius and the Tao-doctrine,. i. e. ^ J*1 Lao-tzu and at the same time before the Han dynasty Confucius has never been placed in opposition to Lao- tzu, but always to Hl")^ Me-tzu.
"Tao ( i.e. manner, endeavour) of the ancients in archery was : " Hitting through the leather is not the principal thing, because people's strength is not equal." A. IIL, 16 (24) It^ijfc Sfl^l^K lfr£3tt&; "tlie Tao to lead the blind," A. XV., 14 (170) ^@|^ffi;£iH&. These applications too, of the word, although they seem strange to us,. emanate from the fundamental idea of the word. The following passages are, however, more profound :—
TAG, 115
" The development of one's nature is Tao ( The right way ), the cultivation of Tao is instruction," D.M. I., (247)3fS'|££ff Siiil-Sfllt "Man can enlarge Tao (the way), Tao cannot enlarge man,'* A. XV., 28 (166) Al^l. #;!& A- " It may not be abandoned for an instant ( without injury ),"
DJIfcI*S(M8)H&fr^W£j$U^A- "The reason that it is not travelled, is that wise men go
beyond it, and that fools do not come up to it," D.M.
iv., i
; DM. V. (248) " The Tao of the holy man waits for the proper men to be trodden," D.M. XXVII., 4 (286) f$gA> B5H?T " It is not far from men," D.M. XIII., 1
(257) ii^cJiA. A^^S B638 A> ^ *TJ#3i;I-
" He who hears it in the morning, may quietly die in the evening," A. IV., 8 (32) |g ft g, $ ft H[ $£ <( The superior man learns to attain his Tao, as the mechanic sits in his shop to accomplish his work," A.
xix., 7 (205) B"x Jg® # m & *> Sf-*Ha
fig. " Following Tao he proceeds," D.M. XL, 2 (255) ^fsllilljfijff • " In this lie goes from the near to the far, from the low to the high," D.M. XV.,
i (2co) g-f^&ifcrffsi, ^gg,
" If the Tao is previously determined, the prac-
116 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
tice of it will be inexhaustible," D.M. XX , 16 (276) sU M/& fW>?*Ii- " A oneness pervades the Tao of Confucius, that is Jgjg, (Chung-shu)" A. IV., 15
(33) pfS—^JlS- "To reject nothing and to seek for nothing, is not sufficient for Tao," A. IX.,
26 (89) 7p&x#, ftwxm.' fi&m. fa£«*&
" Eiches and honours are not to be obtained without Tao, poverty and meanness not to be avoided without Tao," A. IV., 5, 1 (30)
" The superior man does not revenge conduct of others, which is without Tao," D.M. X , 3 (254) ^nn^.- " The object of the superior man is Tao, not eating," A. XV., 31 (167)
STUil'^H^ "His willis set on Tao," A. VII., 6 (60) jfg2$!ff , " and is therefore not ashamed of bad clothes and bad food," A. IV., 9 (32)
" The Tao of the superior man is of 4 kinds : in his conduct grave, in serving his superiors respectful, in nourishing the people kind, in employing the people
just/- A.V., i
esteems 3 kinds of Tao : in his deportment he is free from arrogance, in his countenance he maintains sin- cerity, in his words he is free from vulgarity," A.
, 4, 3 (73)
TAG. 117
2£t " Sincere faith, love of learning, holding firm unto death, is good Tao," A. VIII, 13 (76) 3|fj|^ ^> ^P^if }M/ "The Tao of the superior man is threefold : he is humane without sadness, wise without doubts, bold without fear," A. XIV, 30 (150)
^||. " The joy of the superior man is always in accordance with Tao," A. XIII, 25 (137) -faZ^M ill' ^IMifc* " One's Person should be cultivated by Tao, Tao by humanity," D.M. XX, 4 (269)
" The general Tao of the empire is fivefold : so- vereign, minister etc, and these are practised by means of the three virtues, and their motive is only one," D, M. XX., S (270)
=, 0.
" To obtain the confidence of one's superiors, the trust of friends, obedience towards parents, sincerity in one's own person, and clearness in what is good, that is Tao," D.M. XX., 17 (276)
" Truth is the Tao of Heaven, the attainment of truth is the Tao of man," the sage attains it instinctively and without an effort," D.M. XX, 18 (277) ff$|£, ^
118
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
tWil'li A&- "^ *e Tao is be- lieved in, but without sincerity, then it is neither something nor nothing," A. XIX., 2 (.203) $$$&£
&' -©-I *M> M &1$>1l> :1 ft H3fr " Even the
smallest Tao should be treated with consideration,"
A. XIX., 4 (204)
When
the superior man learns it, he loves men ; when the low man learns it, he is easily made use of," A. XVIL, 4, 3(183)^-^P^^niJ^A.^A^aiW Jj?$L$L' "But he who speaks on the road of the Tao he has heard, thrusts virtue from him/' A. XVII., 14 (188) <I|iffirHfc fij£3Hfe- The Tao of the superior man makes no distinctions in the department of knowledge," A. XIX., 12 (207) ^f^S'lMc: "fil-H' Ik^flHill* "There are some with whom we may study together, but not broach Tao ; or this and not get established with him ; even this perhaps, but not weigh with him in the scale (give decisions,)" A. IX, 29
"The Tao of the good man does not tread in footsteps nor does it enter the chamber, i.e. it is neither imitative nor independent," A. XI., 19 (107)
^ A^S *®J& *^ A *^- " If t^ Tao be
not the same, one cannot take councel," A. XV., 39 (169) ^ 3, ^Tfl J!f|. " The superior man fre-
TAG. 119
quents the company of men, who have Tao," A. I., 14 (8) gfc^f ;H- " Not to alter the Tao of one's father, is filial piety," A. I, 11 (G) =4f «, ^ # Z & pj"!|;^:^ ; IV., 20 (25) verbally the same. " If the basis ( ^ hsias and ffiti) is once established, Tao is brought to light," A. L, 2 (2) f}^ f&ZJ^jjljffi }fj£|£. " In the Tao of the ancient kings the ex- cellence consisted in their being unaffected in practising the rules of propriety," A. I., 12 (7) jjjf £ jf, %ft^ j|>;fc!^^' MJI5I- "A return on the part of the people of the present age to the Tao of the an- cients is not advisable," DM. XXVIII., (287)
"The empire has long been with out Tao," A. III. 24 (28) ^-p Z%k&&^% ; " a district ( ft pang ) with Tao and without Tao," A. V., 1 (37)
wnn> y-> 2° (44>> vnl-> i3
(139-140); XV., 6 (160). "A state with Tao and without Tao," D.M. X., 5 (254) g| /g ^j, gj ^ g ; XXVII., 7 (287). " The superiors have lost their Tao, the people consequently have been disorganized, for a long time," A. XIX., 19 (209) ± ^ S g;,^ j|^^. 'flf the empire had the Tao, Confucius need not change anything," A. XVIII., 6, 4 (198)
^cT^SJi^^^ifc ; "but tlie Tao does not take effect," A. XVIII., 7, 5 (200)
120 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
^^. " Chi TJjjf by one change would come to Lu, and this by one change to Tao," A. VI., 22 (56)
W— i|J;S^'1t> @— HS^ii' "Duke Ling of Wei, although without Tao, is sustained by able ministers," A. XIV., 20 (147) f-f fl^&£fcj|[ •{f^. "Great ministers serve their princes with Tao," A. XL, 23, 3 (100) *££,#&£#• "Killing those who have no Tao for the good of those who have it, is not approved/' A. XII., 19 (122) #p|$$$
S«MS>fa#P> frilJW "If a good minister serves according to conscientious Tao, he is everywhere repeatedly dismissed; but if according to a crooked Tao, there is no necessity for his leaving the country of his parents," A. XVIII., 2 (195)
ftffi^=» fi € B5 *
" Those who practise righteousness to carry out their Tao, Confucius has not seen yet," A. XVL,
11 (190) f?TO3i3£t'ft*JlgAt&,-
" It was through the people, that the Three dynas- ties walked in the straight Tao," A. XV., 24 (165) $f J^ &.=ft£#fJ#it;Irfijft&- "But the Tao of Wen ~$£ and Wu jj£ has not yet fallen to the earth, for all men have some of it," A. XIX., 22, 2 (210)
" Whether the Tao progresses or not, depends on the destiny," A. XIV., 38 (153) g^SJf fH&JI>
TAG. 121
" The master's words about nature and heavenly Tao cannot be heard," A. V., 12 (41) ^ ^f£ fr, ^ l&^t>^^ff ffp^ifer D.M. contains, however, several passages, stating " that it is quite in common use and yet secret ; that it is familiar to foolish men and women, and that it surpasses the comprehension as well as the practice of the sage," D.M. XII., 1, 2 (255) ;f ^£S
" Tao is self-tao, divided into internal, refering to the human self, and into external, operating amongst things, both are combined in the virtue of nature," D.M. XXV., 3(288)f|£aHfc,£>ft#2|tjfc.
" The Tao of Heaven and Earth is alone in its kind and produces therefore things without measure ; it is large, thick, high, clear, long, ( in space and time,)" D.M. XXVI., 7, 8 (284)
" The Tao of things is without collision," D.M. XXX., 3 (291)
The D. M. ends with a recapitulation of the superior man's Tao as opposed to the inferior man's, D. M. XXX., (291). With this we arrivre at the con- clusion of the Confucian system. Each reader will agree, that the position of Confucius as teacher of morals is a high one. We wish to render it full justice and
122 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
point out as deserving special attention : that Con- fucius exhorts men to self-examination, A. L, 4, (3) ; IV., 17 (34) ; to a knowledge of men, A. II., 10 (12) ; to self-denial, A. XII., 1 (114). He is opposed to mere rites, A. III., 3, 4 (19-20). Talents without a moral basis are not worthy of consideration, A. VIII., 11 (76). If the will be set on virtue, it preserves one against wickedness, A. IV., 4 (30). The golden rule is given negatively and positively : all men within the four seas are brothers, A. XII. , 5 (117). Enthusiasm for the old and a knowledge of the new makes the teacher, A. II., 11., (12). The sins of the fathers shall not be visited on the children, A. VI., 4; if there is a conflict between natural duty and the law of the state, the first is to be followed, A. XIII., 18 (134) ; law-suits should be prevented, A. XII., 23. In the same way capital punishment is not looked upon favourably, A. XIII., 11 (131). Unlawful gain of property and honours should be despised, A. VII., 15 (64). Confucius himself shows sympathy with mourners, A. VII., 9 (9) ; IX, 9 (83), and great grief on the death of his favourite disciple, A. XI., 9 (104), compassion for the blined, A. XV., 41 (170). He is considerate even towards beasts, A. VII., 26 (67).
The complaints of Confucius are : nobody loves humanity and hates the reverse, A. IV., 6 (31), no- body sees his own faults, A. V., 26 (47) ; nobody loves study, A. VI., 2 (49) ; smooth words and a beautiful figure are necessary to go through the world, A. VI.,
TAG. 123
14 (54) ; men will not enter the gate, A. VI., 13 (53) ; following in the mean has always been rare, A. VI., 27 (57). There exists no holy man, no good man, and even constancy is difficult, A. VI., 25 (57) ; nobody loves virtue as he loves beauty, A. IX., 17 (86) ; the officers are good for nothing, A. XIII., 20 (135). He cannot get any disciples who stand in the mean ; those who know virtue are few, A. XV., 3 (159). He has not seen a man, who in retirement studies his aim and who practises righteousness to carry out Tao, A. XVI., 11 (179).
In spite of this wretchedness of the world Con- fucius does not retire from it in despair, A. XVIII , 6, 4 (198).
Speaking about himself Confucius always keeps within modest bounds, is never proud, A. VI., 19 (55) ; etc. But unfortunately his disciples find it easier to extol the master to heaven with their words, than to elevate themselves through the words of the piaster. " This people cometh unto me with their mouth, and honoureth me with their lips, but their heart is far from me " Confucius would certainly say to the Chinese of the present age. But also from the mouth of Christian missionaries such preaching is never with- out effect. The conscience is awakened. When the the conscience is awakened, the gospel of the redeemer of sinners finds the hearts prepared ! The faith that blesseth also follows psychological rules.
124 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
THE DEFECTS AND EEEOES OP CONFUCIANISM.
Though readily acknowledging much that is excellent in Confucian doctrines concerning the rela- tion of man to man, and remembering the various points in which Confucianism almost echoes the doctrines of Christian revelation, we cannot but point out a considerable number of defects and errors.
1
Confucianism recognises no relation to a living God.
There is no distinction made between the human soul and the body, nor is there any clear definition of man, either from a physical or from a psychological point of view.
3
There is no explanation given, why it is that some men are born as saints, others as ordinary mortals.
4
All men are said to possess the disposition and strength necessary for the attainment of moral perfec- tion ( ^ "^ chun-tzu), but the contrast with the actual state remains unexplained.
THE DEFECTS AND ERRORS OP CONFUCIANISM. 125
5
There is wanting in Confucianism a decided and serious tone in its treatment of the doctrine of sin, for with the exception of moral retribution in social life it mentions no punishment for sin.
6
Confucianism is generally devoid of a deeper in- sight into sin and evil.
7
Confucianism finds it therefore impossible to ex- plain death.
8
Confucianism knows no mediator, none that could restore original nature in accordance with the ideal which man finds in himself.
9
Prayer and its ethical power finds no place in the system of Confucius.
10
Though confidence ( -jg Jisin ) is indeed frequent- ly insisted upon, its presupposition, viz. truthfulness in speaking, is never practically urged, but rather the reverse (A. XVIL, 20 (191); VI., 3 (49); V., 6 (38)).
11 Polygamy is presupposed and tolerated.
12 Polytheism is sanctioned.
126 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
13
Fortune -telling, choosing of days, omens, dreams and other illusions ( phoenixes, etc. ) are believed in.
14
Ethics are confounded with external ceremonies and a precise despotic political form.
15
The position which Confucius assumed towards ancient institutions is a capricious one.
16
The assertion that certain musical melodies in- fluence the morals of the people is ridiculous.
17
The influence of mere good example is ex- aggerated, and Confucius himself proves it least of all.
18
In Confucianism the system of social life is ty- ranny. Women are slaves. Children have no rights in relation to their parents, whilst subjects are placed in the position of children with regard to their superiors.
19
Filial piety is exaggerated into deification of parents.
20
The net result of Confucius' system, as drawn by himself, is the worship of genius, i. e. deification of man, A. II., 4 (10); XIX., 24, 25 (212).
THE DEFECTS AND ERRORS OP CONFUCIANISM. 127
21
There is, with the exception of ancestral worship which is devoid of any true ethical value, no clear conception of the dogma of immortality.
22
All rewards are expected in this world, so that egotism is unconsciously fostered, and if not avarice, at least ambition. A. II., 18; V., 24; XV., 19, etc.
23
The whole system of Confucianism offers no com- fort to ordinary mortals, either in life or in death.
24
The history of China shows, that Confucianism is incapable of effecting for the people a new birth to a higher life and nobler efforts, and Confucianism is now in practical life quite alloyed with Shamanistic and Buddhistic ideas and practices.
128 DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS,
PKOPOSITIONS
CONCEKNING THE DOCTKINE OF CON- FUCIUS AS COMPAKED WITH THOSE OF CHKISTIANITY.
The following propositions can present, of course, only the main points of each system, and it is our chief aim to give prominence to the contrasts.
CONFUCIAN DOCTRINE. CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE.
1 1
Man is considered not Man is essentially con- from a religious, not from sidered from a religious a mystical, nor again from point of view, i.e. in his a materialistic, but from a relation to the living, per- humane-moral point of sonal God. view, i.e. man as man in relation to men.
2 2
It contains nothing on The necessary explana- the origin of man. He tion about the origin of appears as a blossom of man is given and his fun- Nature and in highest per- damental nature explained fection as an associate of as being an image of God. Heaven and Earth.
CONFUCIANISM AND CHRISTIANITY.
129
The ideal and the powers for carrying it out lie only in man himself. The holy man H?^, is the re- presentative of the ideal man by nature, and the superior man ^-^*, of the ideal man by moral per- fection.
The task of man is sub- jectively objective, i.e. re- alization or formation of the created image of God only through the means afforded by God.
Sin is the excess in hu- man desires and endea- vours; by reverting into the right path it ceases.
Sin is something posi- tive : abandoning God and turning to evil, i. e. the destruction of God's ima- ge. It demands atone- ment or leads absolutely to perdition.
Man is free, destiny only presents bounds, which it is useless, even injurious to break.
All virtues are directly connected with humanity,
The will of man (not freedom ) and the will of God (freedom no caprice) in their conflicts form the real ethical problem.
6
The Christian virtues are : faith, hope and chari-
130
DOCTRINES OF CONFUCIUS.
cellence.
as virtue par ex- iy and by prayer imme- diate intercourse with God, the all perfect being, is held and connection with the other world sustained.
All public virtue pre- supposes private virtue. The latter must therefore be the chief aim of the superior man, ^ -^ chun tzu. But not as hermit, but as child, brother, friend and subject.
8
The steps on the way to perfection are : perfect knowledge, a true mind, right sentiment of the heart, culture of the whole person, furthermore an in- fluence over family, state
Christianity likewise does not conceive man as an abstract individual, but as one who, whilst stan- ding in relation with God, is also continually in rela- tion with his fellow- crea- tures. The human rela- tions become more in- timate, more spiritual, and therefore nobler and more lasting by means of the spiritual relations.
8
The steps for the Chris- tian are : repentance and conversion, then inheri- tance by degrees of the means of grace in Christ with continual fellowship with Him, i. e. justifi-
CONFUCIANISM AND CHRISTIANITY.
131
and things generally.
9
The state ( empire ) is the full development of human nature. In the reciprocity of all, the peculiar value of the in- dividual is evinced.
10
The task of the state is the physical charge and the moral education of the people ; the highest glory is peace, not war and anarchy.
cation and sanctification. Through this the Chris- tian becomes a fellow- labourer with God for the salvation of all creatures, 9
The Christian doctrine finds a better conclusion in the doctrine of the king- dom of God in its eternal glory, begun in lowliness, completed with the resur- rection of the dead and the regeneration of the world. 10
The Christian state is the steward of the natural gifts of God, the church the trustee of the gifts of grace. The former has to promote temporal welfare, the latter to care for the eternal welfare of the soul ; both must be servants of God and stand in har- monious reciprocity with each other.
THE END.
^z
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